[924] Their father, Chichtuc, had been sole ruler, but after his death the sons divided the province. Id. This author assumes that it was merely an ally of Mexico, but there is little doubt about its being tributary. ‘Ixcozauhqui, le principal de ses trois chefs.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 368.
[925] The suggestion of thus opening the campaign is claimed by native historians for the Tlascaltec lords, Ixtlilxochitl naming Xicotencatl as the originator. Hist. Chich., 303; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 177.
[926] And out of gratitude for Cortés’ intercession in his behalf, as Solis claims.
[927] Half of the booty obtained in all conquered countries, with incorporation of Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Tepeyacac. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176. This extent of jurisdiction is doubtful. ‘Les haria en nõbre de su Magestad escriptura de conservarlos en sus tierras, y govierno,’ is the moderate arrangement given in Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. When in 1655 an attempt was made to encroach on their rights they produced the document and obtained justice.
[928] Bernal Diaz, who alone enters into details, enumerates 420 soldiers, 4000 Tlascaltecs, 17 horses, and 6 cross-bows, without artillery or ammunition. Hist. Verdad., 111. But this is hardly reliable, for a few lines before he refers to 440 men, and there is no doubt that some ammunition, field-pieces, and other war material must have been obtained from Villa Rica. Herrera speaks of musketeers and 6000 allies, 50,000 more to follow. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Gomara allows 40,000 allies to set out at once, with provisions and carriers. Hist. Mex., 168. Ixtlilxochitl mentions only 4000, and names some of the leaders. Hist. Chich., 305. Herrera states that a question arose as to the prudence of trusting so small a body of soldiers with so large a force of allies—which soon swelled to over 100,000—who might in case of disagreement overwhelm them. A council was held, which decided that the loyalty of the Tlascaltecs had been sufficiently tried, and that a small number of allies would be of no service. ubi sup., cap. xiv.
[929] Cortés’ first messengers returned with two Mexicans, who brought the contemptuous reply. They were given presents, and told to summon the native chiefs to a parley. On their return with a threatening answer ‘fue acordado, ... por ante Escriuano ... que se diessen por esclauos à todos los aliados de Mexico, que huviessen muerto Españoles.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. ‘Respondieron que si mataron Españoles fue con justa razon, pues en tiempo de guerra quisieron passar por su tierra por fuerça, y sin demandar licencia.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.
[930] ‘Tuuierõ los Indios amigos buena cena aquella noche de piernas, y braços, porque sin los assadores de palo, que eran infinitos, huuo cincuenta mil ollas de carne humana.’ The Spaniards suffered from want of water and food. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Rather a strong story. The Spaniards could not well suffer from hunger in the midst of maize fields, in harvest time. Oviedo takes occasion to dwell on the common practice of devouring the slain on the battle-field, thus saving the trouble of burial. iii. 334. ‘Mi pare una favola,’ is Clavigero’s comment. Storia Mess., iii. 152. See Native Races.
[931] ‘Padeciendo siempre de agua, y comida.’ Herrera, ubi sup. But this could hardly be the case in so rich a province, at this time.
[932] ‘En obra de veinte dias hobe pacíficas muchas villas y poblaciones á ella sujetas ... sin que en toda la dicha guerra me matasen ni hiriesen ni un español.’ Cortés, Cartas, 143. ‘En obra de quarenta dias tuvimos aquellos pueblos pacificos,’ but with great hardship, ‘porque de sangre, y polvo que estaua quajado en las entrañas, no echauamos otra cosa del cuerpo, y por la boca,’ etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112-13.
[933] The name of a beautiful bird, now San Martin de Huaquechula. This town was known to the Spaniards under the name of Guacachula.