[8] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 37.
[9] Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, pp. 52, 54-5; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 338, 523; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 17; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 310-11; Pimentel, Mem. Raza Indígena, p. 27; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 82. In the West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 265-6, we read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wierden voor de comste der Spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van die Landen, daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende onder de ghehoorsaemheydt van de groote Heere van Tenoxtitlan.' The old chronicler is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan was never in any way subject to Mexico.
[10] Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four parts, each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on such division were likewise subject. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 155.
[11] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 200, 276, tom. ii., pp. 347-9; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 252; Pimentel, Mem. Raza Indígena, p. 27; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 411.
[12] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 197.
[13] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 350-1.
[14] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur de Bourbourg writes: 'Dans les divers états du Mixtecapan, les héritages passaient de mâle en mâle, sans que les femmes pussent y avoir droit.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 39; this may, however, refer merely to private property.
[15] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., cap. 53; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 29-30.
[16] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 474, writes: 'Pusieronle Corona Real, y vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus Reyes, con vna vncion que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian su ydolo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 360, says that Acosta is mistaken, for, he observes that 'la Corona que llamaba Copilli, no se daba en esta ocasión, sino que en lugar de ella, le ponían las mantas dichas sobre la Cabeça, ni tampoco era la vncion la misma que la de los Idolos; porque la Divina, que èl [Acosta] nombra, era de Ulli, y Sangre de Niños, con que tambien vngian al Sumo Sacerdote;' but Torquemada here directly contradicts a previous statement of his own, tom. i., p. 102, where he says that immediately after the election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le pusieron la Corona Real en su Cabeça, y le vntaron todo el Cuerpo, con la Vncion, que despues acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian à su Dios,' thus using almost the same words as Acosta. Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, says that the water used at the anointing was drawn from the fountain Tozpalatl, which was held in great veneration, and that it was first used for this purpose at the anointment of Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico.
[17] Sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a tunic of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic resembled the huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by the nobles when they offered incense to the gods. The veil was also of green cloth ornamented with skulls and bones, and in addition to the articles described by other writers, this author mentions that they placed dark green sandals upon his feet. He also affirms that the four royal electors were confirmed in their office at the same time as the king, being similarly dressed, save that the color of their costume was black, and going through the same performances after him, except, of course, the anointment. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., p. 319. Gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias de rei, como pinjantes.' Conq. Mex., fol. 305.