In the case of the prose works which we have mentioned the more or less technical nature of the subject did not afford scope for the cultivation of a classical style. What was essential was a lucid exposition of the thought-content expressed in clear, correct, intelligible language and this they undoubtedly possessed.[353]
With poetry, however, the case was different. Here naturally enough we find clear traces of the influence of the classical poets, and even in the prose of Irish scholars this same influence is often noticeable. Virgil in particular would appear to have been a special favourite. In this connection it is significant to find Old Irish seventh century glosses on the scholia of Iunius Philargyrius on the Bucolics.[354] Adamnan (624–704 A.D.) knew Virgil well. In his Vita Sancti Columbae, as Reeves has pointed out, there is clear evidence that he was familiar with the Georgics.[355] Roger has found traces of both the Georgics and the Aeneid as well as allusions to the authors Plautus and Suetonius.[356] Indeed it has been rigorously established that the extracts from Philargyrius already referred to are the work of no other than Adamnan himself.[357]
Muirchu who wrote the Memoirs of St. Patrick, in obedience to the command of Bishop Aed of Sletty (d. 698 A.D.) was inspired by Virgil and perhaps by Apollonius of Rhodes.[358] Columbanus (540–615 A.D.) was in many ways the most striking figure of his time. We have referred to the success of his missionary work.[359] As a classical scholar he was no less remarkable. He did not arrive on the Continent until he was fifty[360] years old and as his life there was filled with missionary work his scholarship must be considered as representative of the Bangor school where he spent so many years of his life as a student and a teacher. Columbanus arrived in Gaul about twenty years before the death of Gregory of Tours. But, as a distinguished French author remarks, it is sufficient to glance at the writings of Columbanus to recognise immediately their marvellous superiority over those of Gregory, or of the Gallo-Romans of his time.[361] He wrote an ode in Adonic verse which abounds in apt classical allusions.[362] In his poetry he imitated or cited Horace and Virgil and he has at least one quotation from the satires of Juvenal. Gundlach who submitted both the prose writings and the poetical Epistolae of Columbanus to a careful investigation, discovered in them quotations from, or reminiscences of, Persius, Virgil, Horace, Sallust, Ovid, Juvenal, as well as of the Christian poets Juvencus, Prudentius and Ausonius.[363] The familiarity with the writings of the classical authors so noticeable in the case of Columbanus is by no means an isolated phenomenon. A period spent in a continental library in exploring the collection of mediæval MSS. seldom fails to be rewarded by the discovery of additional writings of Irish scholars.[364] Thus in recent years Traube found in a MS. in Florence verses[365] composed by an abbot named Cellanus who has been identified with Cellach or Cellanus, the abbot of Peronne who succeeded Ultan, the brother of St. Fursey. Cellanus (d. 706 A.D.) is supposed to be the anonymous monk who wrote a letter to Aldhelm in which the educational influence of Irish scholars in England is referred to.[366] Cellanus, like his contemporary Adamnan, is familiar with Virgil;[367] while Cadoc, a student of Lismore, is said to have known Virgil by rote.[368]
We might give many more instances showing the continuity of Irish classical scholarship during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries, but enough have been given to appreciate the tribute of Kerr when he says:[369] “The Latin education in Ireland began earlier and was better maintained than in other countries. The English and Teutonic nations received instruction from the Irish, and that not only at the beginning of their studies: Irish learning did not exhaust itself in missionary work and was not merged in the progress of its German pupils; it kept its vivifying power through many generations, and repeated in the ninth century the good works of the fifth, again contributing fresh material and a still rarer spirit of inquiry to the common erudition of the Continent.”
That the classical learning carried back into Gaul by the Irish monks did not immediately produce any very encouraging results can be largely accounted for by the disturbed social conditions. The rivalries and weakness of the Merovingian kings prolonged the period of disorder and violence. Besides, according to Jonas,[370] the negligence of the bishops consequent on the troubled situation was as culpable as the frequency of wars for the decay of religion. Hence the activities of the Irish monks were naturally directed partly at least into other channels in trying to bring about a reform in the morals of the people. To quote Roger:[371] “Tandis que saint Benoît trace, avec sérénité, un plan complet de la vie monastique, saint Columban oppose a la violence des vices, dans une société corrompue, la violence dans la penitence; il trace un plan d’attaque où il met toute la fouge de son caractère. La vertu de la religion était presque abolie; il s’efforce de la ranimer et de rendre à la foi l’efficacité qu’elle avait perdue.”
Under the enlightened policy of Charlemagne there was a distinct improvement in the social condition of the people, but the part played by the Irish monks during the seventh and eighth centuries in helping to bring about the moral regeneration of the people must not be overlooked; for even though this aspect of their work lies outside our present study, we cannot completely ignore those social factors which delayed the realization of a literary renaissance until the ninth century. Whether or not the efforts of Charlemagne “resulted in a revival of learning far more important in its consequences than that which is known as the Renaissance”[372] it can no longer be questioned that “during the reign of Charlemagne and his immediate successors the chief share of the literary revival which belongs to that period and is known as the Carolingian Renaissance fell to the Irish teachers in Frankland, and if we except Alcuin, Rhabanus and Fredegis, the men who founded that educational system to which the latter Middle Ages owe everything and the modern world more than it generally acknowledges were Irishmen.”[373]
STUDY OF GREEK IN EARLY MEDIÆVAL IRELAND:
Having shown that there was an unbroken tradition of classical Latin learning in early mediæval Ireland, having examined the scope and character of that learning and noted its influence in the history of European education, we may fittingly examine the position which Greek occupied in the curriculum of Irish monastic schools. The traditional belief that the study of Greek was pursued in these schools cannot be accepted without investigation in view of the doubts raised by such scholars as Manitius, Roger, and Esposito in recent years.[374] The most important objection raised by these writers is that the evidence is insufficient to justify the claim that the Irish schools possessed a knowledge of Greek prior to the ninth century. Even in the ninth century Esposito will allow the Irish schools no credit for Greek scholarship. According to this writer men like Johannes Scottus Eriugena learned Greek from the books which they found on the Continent, especially in Gaul. We might retort that these assertions require more proof than has been advanced on their behalf, that these conclusions derive no support from the authorities adduced by Esposito as evidence, and that the views expressed by him are contradicted by the contemporary evidence contained in the well-known passage from Eric the Auxerre.[375]
We believe, however, that the knowledge of Greek for which the Irish schools have been given credit can be established to the satisfaction of the unbiased, just as we have demonstrated the fact that classical Latin was cultivated. In attempting to prove that Greek studies were pursued we are confronted with a difficulty which we did not encounter in our investigation of the question of classical Latin. An examination of the actual writings of Irish scholars who flourished during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries revealed numerous quotations from, and reminiscences of classical Latin authors, thus we had incontestable evidence of an intimate acquaintance with classical Latin. In studying Greek the aim was not, as in case of Latin, to acquire a new medium of expression, consequently its study would be conducted on different lines. The necessity for such a knowledge existed nevertheless. The great object of study being the Scriptures,[376] the aim of the whole course of study was to prepare men’s minds for the “Lectio Divina,” their one great science to which all the other “disciplinae” were but auxiliaries. It is therefore but reasonable to suppose that the Irish monks were impelled towards a study of Greek, a knowledge of which was so necessary in studying the Scriptures. This view is corroborated by an examination of native Irish sources. Thus Dallan Forgal in his eulogy of Colmcille (composed c. 576 A.D.) says: “Atgaill grammataig greic,” that is, “he taught Greek Grammar.”[377] The early glossaries swarm with Greek words quoted for etymological purposes.[378] The hymns in the Antiphonary of Bangor contain numerous Greek words.[379] Indeed, the charms of the Greek language had such a fascination for Irish writers that many of them had developed a pedantic turn as early as the seventh century.[380] Zimmer has pointed out the Greek of these early writers was not merely bookish learning but a living speech.[381] Meyer’s tabulation of the peculiarities in the transcription of Greek as practised by Irish writers confirms the accuracy of Zimmer’s observation.[382] We are informed that a Greek taught Mosinu MacCuimin “the art of computation.”[383] Keller gives numerous examples of Hiberno-Greek characters.[384] In an eighth century MS. of Adamnan’s Vita Sancti Columbae there are many instances which suggest that the Greek and Roman characters, as written by the Irish scribes, mutually affected each other and gave the Irish alphabet especially in the capitals that peculiar character which distinguishes it from all others.[385] In the Book of Armagh written about 807 A.D. there are several Greek words and the Lord’s Prayer is written in Greek characters.[386] In the glosses on Priscian’s Grammar Greek words and phrases are explained by Irish equivalents and we note a familiarity with the rules of Greek grammar.[387] The most remarkable evidence is that of Aldhelm[388] who in a letter to Eahfrid fresh from the Irish schools finds fault with him for having gone to the “didasculi Argivi” of that country instead of staying in England where Theodore of Tarsus and Hadrian of Nisida[389] had introduced Greek studies. It is significant that this letter of Aldhelm’s abounds in Hellenisms to a greater extent than any of his other writings, his object being apparently to impress Eahfrid with the Greek learning to be obtained in England.