15. Νυμφᾶν] as the context shows, an inhabitant of Laodicea. The name in full would probably be Nymphodorus, as Artemas (Tit. iii. 12) for Artemidorus, Zenas (Tit. iii. 13) for Zenodorus, Theudas (Acts v. 36) for Theodorus, Olympas (Rom. xvi. 15) for Olympiodorus, and probably Hermas (Rom. xvi. 14) for Hermodorus (see Philippians p. 174). Other names in ας occurring in the New Testament and representing different terminations are Amplias (Ampliatus, a v. l.), Antipas (Antipater), Demas (Demetrius?), Epaphras (Epaphroditus), Lucas (Lucanus), Parmenas (Parmenides), Patrobas (Patrobius), Silas (Sylvanus), Stephanas (Stephanephorus), and perhaps Junias (Junianus, Rom. xvi. 7). For a collection of names with this contraction, found in different places, see Chandler Greek Accentuation § 34; comp. Lobeck Pathol. p. 505 sq. Some remarkable instances are found in the inscriptions; e.g. Ἀσκλᾶς, Δημοσθᾶς, Διομᾶς, Ἑρμογᾶς, Νικομᾶς, Ὀνησᾶς, Τροφᾶς, etc.; see esp. Boeckh C. I. III. pp. 1072, 1097. The name Nymphodorus is found not unfrequently; e.g. Herod. vii. 137, Thuc. ii. 29, Athen. i. p. 19 F, vi. p. 265 C, Mionnet Suppl. VI. p. 88, Boeckh C. I. no. 158, etc. The contracted form Νυμφᾶς however is very rare, though it appears to occur in a Spartan inscription, Boeckh C. I. no. 1240 )Έυτυχος Νυνφᾶ. In Murat. MDXXXV. 6, is an inscription to one Nu. Aquilius Nymphas, a freedman, where the dative is Nymphadi. Other names from which Nymphas might be contracted are Nymphius, Nymphicus, Nymphidius, Nymphodotus, the first and last being the most common.
Those, who read αὐτῆς in the following clause, take it as a woman’s name (Νύμφαν, not Νυμφᾶν); and the name Nymphe, Nympha, Nympa, etc., occurs from time to time in Latin inscriptions; e.g. Inscr. Hisp. 1099, 1783, 3763, Inscr. As. Prov. etc. 525, Murator. CMXXIV. 1, MCLIX. 8, MCCXCV. 9, MDXCI. 3. But a Doric form of the Greek name here seems in the highest degree improbable.
τὴν κατ’ οἶκον κ.τ.λ.] The same expression is used of Prisca and Aquila both at Rome (Rom. xvi. 5) and at Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19), and also of Philemon, whether at Colossæ or at Laodicea is somewhat uncertain (Philem. 2); comp. Acts xii. 12 τὴν οἰκίαν τῆς Μαρίας ... ὁῦ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ συνηθροισμένοι καὶ προσευχόμενοι, and see Philippians p. 56. Perhaps similar gatherings may be implied by the expressions in Rom. xvi. 14, 15 τοὺς σὺν αὐτοῖς ἀδελφούς, τοὺς σὺν αὐτοῖς πάντας ἁγίους (Probst Kirchliche Disciplin p. 182, 1873). See also Act. Mart. Justin. § 3 (II. p. 262 ed. Otto), Clem. Recogn. x. 71 ‘Theophilus ... domus suæ ingentem basilicam ecclesiæ nomine consecraret’ (where the word ‘basilica’ was probably introduced by the translator Ruffinus). Of the same kind must have been the ‘collegium quod est in domo Sergiæ Paulinæ’ (de Rossi Roma Sotteranea I. p. 209); for the Christians were first recognised by the Roman government as ‘collegia’ or burial clubs, and protected by this recognition doubtless held their meetings for religious worship. There is no clear example of a separate building set apart for Christian worship within the limits of the Roman empire before the third century, though apartments in private houses might be specially devoted to this purpose. This, I think, appears as a negative result from the passages collected in Bingham VIII. I. 13 and Probst p. 181 sq. with a different view. Hence the places of Christian assembly were not commonly called ναοί till quite late (Ignat. Magn. 7 is not really an exception), but οἶκοι Θεοῦ, οἶκοι ἐκκλησιῶν, οἶκοι εὐκτήριοι, and the like (Euseb. H.E. vii. 30, viii. 13, ix. 9, etc.).
αὐτῶν] The difficulty of this reading has led to the two corrections, αὐτοῦ and αὐτῆς, of which the former appears in the received text and the latter is supported by one or two very ancient authorities. Of these alternative readings however, αὐτοῦ is condemned by its simplicity, and αὐτῆς has arisen from the form Νυμφαν, which prima facie would look like a woman’s name, and yet hardly can be so. We should require to know more of the circumstances to feel any confidence in explaining αὐτῶν. A simple explanation is that αὐτῶν denotes ‘Nymphas and his friends’, by a transition which is common in classical writers; e.g. Xen. Anab. iii. 3. 7 προσῄει μὲν (Μιθριδάτης) ... πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας· ἐπὲι δ’ ἐγγὺς ἐγένοντο κ.τ.λ., iv. 5. 33 ἐπὲι δ’ ἦλθον πρὸς Χειρίσοφον, κατελάμβανον καὶ )εκέινους σκηνοῦντας: see also Kühner Gramm. § 371 (II. p. 77), Bernhardy Syntax p. 288. Or perhaps τοὺς ἐν Λαοδικίᾳ ἀδελφούς may refer not to the whole body of the Laodicean Church, but to a family of Colossian Christians established in Laodicea. Under any circumstances this ἐκκλησία is only a section of ἡ Λαοδικέων ἐκκλησία mentioned in ver. 16. On the authorities for the various readings see the detached note.
IV. 16]
[← ] ἀναγνωσθῇ παρ’ ὑμῖν ἡ ἐπιστολή, ποιήσατε ἵνα καὶ [ →]
16. ἡ ἐπιστολή] ‘the letter’, which has just been concluded, for these salutations have the character of a postscript; comp. Rom. xvi. 22 Τέρτιος ὁ γράψας τὴν ἐπιστολήν, 2 Thess. iii. 14 διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, Mart. Polyc. 20 τὴν ἐπιστολὴν διαπέμψασθε. Such examples however do not countenance the explanation which refers ἔγραψα ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ in 1 Cor. v. 9 to the First Epistle itself, occurring (as it does) in the middle of the letter (comp. 2 Cor. vii. 8).
ποιήσατε ἵνα] ‘cause that’; so John xi. 37, Apoc. xiii. 15. In such cases the ἵνα is passing away from its earlier sense of design to its later sense of result. A corresponding classical expression is ποιεῖν ὡς or ὅπως, e.g. Xen. Cyr. vi. 3. 18.
A similar charge is given in 1 Thess. v. 27. The precaution here is probably suggested by the distastefulness of the Apostle’s warnings, which might lead to the suppression of the letter.