It was immediately evident that the meeting was, to express myself so, divided into two camps: the one forced to the conviction, that it was no longer possible to resist the inevitable; the other holding that the end had not yet come, and that, if England would negotiate upon no other basis than that which insisted upon the surrender of Independence, the war ought to be continued.
The Free State Delegates, with the exception of two or three, were with one accord of the latter opinion, whilst the majority of the whole assembly were convinced of the opposite. Among the Transvaalers there were some who had come to the meeting with the motto, "Independence, or else fight on!" But these, with the exception of six, came to the conclusion during the discussion that it was their duty for the sake of others to modify their views.
The reasons for ending the struggle, which were given by those Delegates who now declared that it could no longer be proceeded with, were more particularly the following:—
The country was, as already briefly indicated above, so devastated and exhausted by the burning and destruction of farms and villages, the removal of all cattle and sheep, the ruthless slaying of sheep, and destruction of grain of all sorts, that we were standing upon the threshold of a famine. It was further pointed out that horses were becoming more and more scarce, and what would the burghers signify without horses?
But it was the condition of the women, above all, that went to their hearts. The condition of the women was most pitiable. They were almost naked and suffered from hunger. They were exposed to dangers just at the times when the men had to retire before overwhelming odds, and thus had no protection just when they stood most in need of it. It was also shown that the commandos were becoming weaker and weaker, and that if in the future matters took the same course as in the past, nothing remained for us but certain destruction. Acting President Burger and Commandant-General Botha spoke in this strain. The former warned the leaders that they should not continue the war merely for the sake of their own honour, and that they had no right to sacrifice a nation to their own ambition. The latter said that he was not thinking of himself, when he declared that they could not continue the struggle. He himself could still go on, for his family was provided for. He had horses too; he wanted nothing. Besides, it was his earnest desire to continue the war. But he dared not think of himself only. Constantly the question arose in his mind, what would become of the People? and without intermission, a voice spoke within him that it was his duty now, whilst it was yet possible, to do the best he could for his People. He also referred to the fact that it had been repeatedly declared that we should continue to the "bitter end." He would ask where that bitter end was? Would it be reached when the last man lay in his grave or had been banished, or had it been reached when the nation had striven until it could do so no longer? General de la Rey, too, spoke in the same spirit. He could still continue, he declared. His commandos were still able to continue the struggle, but this many others could not do—and if all could not do it, then a portion could not. From all that he had heard at the meeting he had come to the mournful conclusion that the war should be discontinued. He also referred to what had been said as to enduring to the end. "Fight to the bitter end?" he asked, addressing the meeting,—"do you say that? But has the bitter end not come? Each one of you must decide that question for himself."
With regard to the expectations we had of the Cape Colony, these evaporated when General Smuts said that there was no possibility in the Cape Colony of a general revolt. He declared that everything possible had been done there. The Colonists could not have done more than they had done, but a general rising was, for various reasons, impossible. If, therefore, a reason for continuing the struggle in the Republics themselves did not exist any longer, it would be idle to go and seek it in the Cape Colony.
The Delegates on the other side did not deny that the condition of things was appalling, and that there was great distress everywhere; that especially the sufferings of the women were so great that one could not think of it without danger of becoming weak and despondent, and that there were large portions of the country that had become entirely exhausted. But it was argued that this was also the case, or at least had been said to be the case, a year ago, when General Smuts, the State-Attorney, had in his telegram to our Deputation in Europe described the condition of the country as being most dreadful. Then also it had been said by many that through want of ammunition, and of other things absolutely necessary for the continuance of the war, we could fight no longer; and yet the struggle had been continued after that for twelve months.
With respect to what had been said concerning the districts which would have to be abandoned, it was urged that in the Free State there were portions which had been entirely destroyed and consequently abandoned; but these had nevertheless later on been again inhabited and supplied with cattle. And then it was asked, whether the war had not been begun in faith, and whether it could not be carried through in the same faith?
General de Wet spoke in this strain. He pointed with earnestness to the fact that times of depression had been surmounted in the past, and that they should be surmounted again. If there were those who could not provide for themselves, then it was the duty of the meeting to do so for them, and to continue the war.
Referring to the charge made by some, that those who wished to continue the war did not take facts into consideration, he said that he had nothing to do with facts, it was a war of faith; he had to concern himself with a fact only when he had to clear it out of the way.