It is characteristic of the whole apologia that having admitted to an indiscriminate butchery the Germans attempt to gain credit for preserving throughout its course the most tender sentiments. In fact they are surprised at their own sensibility. “I have subsequently often wondered,” says a Major Schlick, “that our men should have remained so calm in the face of such beasts.”[31] Major Bauer says, that he and his “manifested a most notable kindness to women, old men and children”; so notable that he suggests that “it is worthy of recognition in the special circumstances.” Major Bauer evidently thinks it a case for the Iron Cross. And in proof of this humanity he points out that the widows and orphans of the murdered husbands and fathers “all received coffee”[32] from the field kitchen the next morning. Perhaps Major Bauer bethinks himself of a certain cup of cold water.
The Children were “quite happy.”
More than this, the children seem rather to have enjoyed the novel experience. A German staff-surgeon whose gruesome task it was to search a heap of forty corpses, “women and young lads,” who had been put up against a garden wall for execution, says:[33]
“Under the heap I discovered a girl of about five years of age, and without any injuries. I took her out and brought her down to the house where the women were. She took chocolate, was quite happy, and was clearly unaware of the seriousness of the situation.”
And with that amazing statement we may fitly leave this amazing narrative.
Aerschot.
The case of Dinant may be taken as typical. The evidence as to Louvain and Aerschot is not less incredible. We are asked to believe that at Aerschot[34] the population of a small town suddenly rose in arms against a whole brigade, although the population was quite unprotected—“we ascertained that there was no enemy in the neighbourhood.”[35] To explain this surprising and suicidal impulse the Germans produce—it is their only evidence—the statement of a Captain Karge, that he had “heard rumours from various German officers” that the Belgian Government, “in particular the King of the Belgians,” had decreed that every male Belgian was to do the German Army “as much harm as possible.” “It is said that such an order was found on a captured Belgian soldier.” Strangely enough, the order is not produced—not a word of it. Also, “an officer told me that he himself had read on a church door of a place near Aerschot that the Belgians were not allowed to hold captured German officers on parole, but were bound to shoot them.” He adds that he “cannot repeat the words of this officer exactly.”[36]
Louvain.
Let us now turn to Louvain. “The insurrection of the town of Louvain,” say the authors of the White Book with some naïveté, “against the German garrison and the punishment which was meted out to the town have found a long-drawn-out echo in the whole world.” Some twenty-eight thousand words are therefore devoted to establishing the thesis that the German troops in occupation of the town were the victims of a carefully organised, long premeditated, and diabolically executed attack on the part of the inhabitants assisted by the Garde Civique. Thus:
“We are evidently dealing with a carefully planned assault which was carried on for several days with the greatest obstinacy. The long duration of the insurrection against the German military power in itself disposes of any planless action committed by individuals in excitement. The leadership of the treacherous revolt must have lain in the hands of a higher authority.”—Summarising Report.