[443] Lingard remarks, that as for Elizabeth and Courtenay not being “privy” to Wyatt’s rising, “it may certainly be true, for he rose unexpectedly six weeks before the time originally fixed upon” (History of England, vol. v., p. 434 note). Holinshed says that Wyatt protested against being pressed to say anything more in his wretched condition; that he declared it went against him to accuse any one by name, but that having confessed everything to her Grace, he begged that he might be tormented with no more questions (Chronicle, 1103, 1104, 1111).
[444] Mgr. Namèche, Le Règne de Philippe II, etc., vol. i., p. 43. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. ii., p. 414.
CHAPTER XII.
PHILIP AND MARY.
July 1554-August 1555.
Philip had married as his first wife the daughter of John III., King of Portugal, who had died in 1552, having given birth to a son, the unfortunate and notorious Don Carlos. Charles V. then entered into negotiations for a union between his son and the King of Portugal’s sister, whose dowry amounted to more than a million gold ducats. But unwilling that so large a sum should pass out of the country, King John was in no hurry to bring matters to a conclusion, and while he haggled over the terms of the marriage treaty, the death of Edward VI. opened out a new political vista. The Emperor seeing the possibility of a geographical combination, that would materially help him to overthrow his old enemy France, wrote to Philip, telling him to suspend the negotiations with Portugal if they were not already concluded. A matrimonial alliance with England would, he conceived, equal in importance that of the Dauphin with the young Scottish Queen, Mary Stuart. Philip, perfectly docile, agreed to his father’s scheme,[445] and thus the fuse was set to the train laid by de Noailles, resulting in the conflagration described in the last chapter. But Mary’s firmness and courage, and the enthusiasm with which she had inspired her army, quickly extinguished the flames of revolution, and notwithstanding the dissensions in her Council, a far too numerous and unwieldy body, her government was stronger than before Wyatt’s rebellion. De Noailles had gained nothing by his treachery, except the questionable glory of having successfully worked upon the worst passions of the rabble. Painfully conscious that he had little cause for self-congratulation, and anxious to know how far the Queen was informed of his secret practices, and what were her feelings towards France, he demanded an audience in the middle of June, when the court was on the eve of removing to Windsor. Mary received him coldly, and when he complained, that although his master desired to continue the peace, her ministers appeared to be otherwise disposed, she told him roundly that neither the King of France nor his advisers had displayed much inclination towards peace in the past, and that not for all the kingdoms in the world would her conscience have permitted her to play such a part as he, de Noailles, had played. This outspokenness on the part of the Queen so disconcerted the ambassador, that he begged Henry to send him a safe-conduct and his recall.[446] Nevertheless, he was obliged to remain where he was, and he continued to be the most mischievous person in England. In giving an account of this audience to his master, de Noailles expressed the opinion that Philip had “something in hand against France”. But in this he was mistaken. Philip had no independent policy apart from the Emperor’s. Whatever his defects of mind and character, he was a perfect son, and while his father lived, Philip lived but to obey his behests. The chief of these now was, that he should marry Mary, and seek to conciliate the English.
Michiel, the Venetian ambassador, who had seen the Prince in Italy, describes him as the image of the Emperor, even to his hanging under-lip, the distinguishing feature of the Hapsburgs. He was not quite so tall (and Charles V. was but of medium height), but well-proportioned and agile, as had often been proved in tournaments, on foot and on horseback, armed and unarmed.[447] He is elsewhere described as short but slender, with a fine broad brow, large blue eyes, dense, fair eyebrows, very close together, a nose well formed, a large mouth, with a thick and pendent under-lip, which rather spoiled his appearance. His skin was white, and his hair flaxen, like that of a Fleming, but here the resemblance to his northern ancestors ceased, his tastes and manners being essentially Spanish. Even in his early manhood, he was inclined to be thoughtful and laborious. It was observed that he listened attentively to all that was said to him, but spoke little, and that little cautiously, with his eyes bent on the ground. If he raised them, it was to allow them to wander hither and thither. His answers were prompt, short and to the purpose, but he was careful never to compromise himself in any way.[448] At the end of his first visit to Flanders, the Emperor, who idolised him, took him to task for his cold and haughty bearing. Philip learned the lesson so well, that on his second visit, it was remarked that his manner was more affable, recalling that of his father, and retaining no trace of the disdain which had before caused him to be so much disliked in the Low Countries. He differed from the Emperor, inasmuch as Charles delighted in warfare, and military exercises, whereas Philip cared nothing for them, and understood them but little. He was fond of study, and especially of the study of history; he knew the exact position of every important place on the map, was a good mathematician, and had some notions of sculpture and of painting, which arts he sometimes practised. His own language he spoke with elegance, knew Latin well enough for a prince, understood and wrote Italian, and some French, and possessed an excellent memory. He was slow in his movements, both naturally and from his having schooled himself in extreme deliberation, a characteristic often illustrated by remarks which he was in the habit of writing on the margin of official documents, and in letters to his friends and servants. One such expression, written to an Italian diplomat, “bisogna caminare coi piedi di piombo,” is an epitome of his manner of conducting business. He was careful to surround even the smallest affair with an atmosphere of dignity, a custom that may partly account for his dilatoriness. As he was habitually grave and distant, his courtesy was the more appreciated when he forced himself to unbend. In his opinion, no nation on earth equalled the Spanish nation, and he admitted none but Spaniards into his counsels and intimacy. His piety was considered remarkable, because he heard Mass daily, and approached the sacraments at least four times a year. Capable as he was of prolonged and careful attention to the minutest details of business, he was naturally fond of repose and solitude, especially in summer, when he made a point of seldom granting audiences on affairs of state. So great was his power of self-control, that even in taking vengeance, he would sometimes wait for years for an opportune moment, when he would strike without passion and without pity.[449] His morals were neither better nor worse than those of the majority of his contemporaries.
Such was Philip in his twenty-seventh year, at the time of his second marriage.