It is not surprising that the French Foreign Office looked askance at these German suggestions of “pacific solidarity” with France, which contrasted so strangely with Germany’s refusal to work for peace and its sinister menaces to other countries. France’s suspicion that Baron von Schoen was thus attempting to compromise its loyalty in the eyes of Russia cannot be said to be without some foundation, although it is as reasonable to assume that these professions of the German Ambassador were only an incident to the general plan of lulling France and its allies into a false sense of security. Here again the full truth can only be ascertained when Germany is willing to submit to the scrutiny of the world the records of its Foreign Office.
On July 26th, M. Jules Cambon had an interview with the German Secretary of State and earnestly supported Sir Edward Grey’s suggestion that a conference be called in which England, France, Germany, and Italy should participate for the preservation of peace. This interview is at once so dramatic, and almost prophetic, that it justifies quotation in extenso:
To Cambon’s proposition, von Jagow replied, as he did to the British Ambassador, that he could not accept a proposal to charge the Italian, French, and German Ambassadors with the task of seeking, with Sir Edward Grey, a means of solving the present difficulties, for that would be to establish a regular conference to deal with the affairs of Austria and Russia. I replied to Herr von Jagow that I regretted his response, but that the great object, which Sir Edward Grey had in view, was above a question of form, and what was important was the association of England and France with Germany and Italy in laboring for peace; that this association could show itself in common action in St. Petersburg and Vienna; that he had frequently expressed to me his regret at seeing the two groups of alliances always opposed to each other in Europe, and that here he had an opportunity of proving that there was a European spirit, by showing four Powers belonging to the two groups acting in common agreement to prevent a struggle. Herr von Jagow evaded the matter by saying that Germany had her engagements with Austria. I pointed out that the relations of Germany with Vienna were no more close than those of France with Russia, and that it was he himself who raised the question of the two opposed groups of alliances.
The Secretary of State then said that he did not refuse to act with a view to avoiding an Austro-Russian conflict, but that he could not intervene in the Austro-Servian conflict. “One is the consequence of the other,” I said, “and it would be well to prevent the creation of any new state of affairs calculated to bring about the intervention of Russia.”
As the Secretary of State persisted in saying that he was obliged to observe his engagements with regard to Austria, I asked him if he had pledged himself to follow Austria everywhere blindfold, and if he had made himself acquainted with the Servian reply to Austria, which had been handed to him that morning by the Servian Chargé d’Affaires. “I have not yet had time,” he said. “I regret it,” I replied. “You will see that except on points of detail Servia has yielded completely. It would seem, however, that since Austria has obtained the satisfaction, which your support procured her, you might to-day advise her to be content, or to examine with Servia the terms of the Servian reply.”
As Herr von Jagow did not answer me clearly, I asked him if Germany wanted war. He protested energetically, saying that he knew that that was my idea but that it was completely incorrect. “You must then,” I replied, “act in consequence. When you read the Servian reply, weigh the terms with your conscience, I beg you in the name of humanity, and do not personally assume a portion of the responsibility for the catastrophe, whose preparation you are allowing.” Herr von Jagow protested again, adding that he was ready to join England and France in any common effort, but that some form must be found for this intervention which he could accept and that the Cabinets should agree among themselves upon the matter. “Moreover,” he added, “direct conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg are begun and are proceeding. I expect much good of them, and I have hope.”[57]
In his solemn injunction to von Jagow “in the name of humanity” to weigh the terms in his conscience, Cambon struck a loftier note than any of the diplomatic disputants. Macaulay has said that the “French mind has always been the interpreter between national ideas and those of universal mankind,” and at least since the French Revolution the tribute has been deserved.
He, who carefully and dispassionately reads the diplomatic correspondence which preceded the war, must be impressed with the different point of view of the two groups of disputants. Both the written and oral communications of the German and Austrian representatives failed to suggest at any time a note other than one of selfish nationalism. We search in vain for the most distant recognition of the fact that the world at large had any legitimate interest in the controversy. The insistent note, which Austria sounded, was that its interests required its punitive action against Servia, even though the peace of the world were thereby sacrificed, and that of Germany repeated with equal insistence that its “closest interests” summoned it to the side of Austria.
In marked contrast to this spirit of national selfishness is the repeated admonition of Sir Edward Grey that the whole question should be considered in its “larger aspects,” thereby meaning the peace and welfare of Europe; while the Czar, with evident sincerity, suggested to the Kaiser that “with the aid of God it must be possible to our long tried friendship to prevent the shedding of blood,” and proposed a reference of the question to the Hague. Similarly the appeal of Jules Cambon to von Jagow, “in the name of humanity” was more than the ordinary exchange of diplomatic views. Von Jagow’s conception of his duty is shown by the fact that he had taken a position involving “incalculable consequences” without even reading the Servian reply.