[120] Cipaulovi, or the “Place of Peaches,” would necessarily have received its name after those who brought peaches came among the Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people from the Rio Grande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded about 1700. The Cipaulovi people, however celebrate the Flute ceremony, and the Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came to Tusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of Xipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came from Xongopabi (Cuñopavi).
[121] I do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally Christianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal societies has not been broken up to our time.
[122] Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be detected in Cocomaricopa, where it may mean fool, possibly referring to the inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Kóko or Kâ′kâ is not known to me. The word Katcina has the advantage of Kóko or Kâ′kâ as a general designation.
[123] That is, the last Katcina before their departure in Cibola, as in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an autumn dance, but occurs at about the same time that I witnessed it at Zuñi, near the end of July (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I, No. 1).
[124] It is recommended that in illustrating Zuñi masks a full face view be given, for in that way the symbolism is much better expressed than by profile views.
[125] Pooatíwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the “Sun Father.” I have not gone far enough in my studies to accept this relationship for Paútiwa. There are some reasons for considering Paútiwa the Mist Father, which speculation has led me to interpret the Sälämobias as Paútiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six world-quarters, but such an opinion is highly theoretical.
[126] The terraced elevations are common on the Zuñi nákwipis and handled prayer-meal bowls, as can be seen in any large collection of Zuñi ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare, indeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and similar symbols appear, however, to be present in both. The question of the characteristic symbolism of Zuñi and Hopi pottery is a complicated one, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can readily be distinguished by a student of this subject.
[127] It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are not later described.
[128] Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, p. 315.
[129] On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as “rain priests.” I am not able to definitely decide from the text whether these six are the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me in which group Mrs Stevenson places the “Mud-heads” and “Gluttons,” well described by Ten Broeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and later by herself and Cushing from Zuñi, and by other writers from the Rio Grande pueblos.