[110] See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[111] When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which a sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to entertain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to see visitors passing from house to house partaking of the píkami (mush) and other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred dances and other efforts for rain. In a memoir on the Snake dance I mention an instance where even the distant Havasupai Indians brought offerings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV).
[112] I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for other Katcina dances (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.)
[113] One marked difference between Katcina and Kóko, or Hopi and Zuñi, dancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuñi is possibly a secondary modification for effecting secrecy.
[114] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[115] This is only time I have seen the Death god personified. The Paiakaíamû rushed up to me and demanded a knife, and when I refused to give it, not aware of their intention, they sought other ways to kill the poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of course with no danger to any of the spectators. Later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch, and the person who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop touching the arm or neck of every spectator—man, woman, and child. During this dance these Tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting act of drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century Magazine, records the slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that he says that his life was threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by his defiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers.
[116] The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is sinistral. In this instance it began at the east. I believe this is the prescribed circuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me that in their folktales their people did not emerge from the same sípapû as the Hopi, but from a sípapû to the east. Although some of the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth, from one sípapû, others believe that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening. The idea has been localized by environment, as is so often the case with modified legends.
[117] There are certainly more evidences of white man’s influences in dance paraphernalia in Zuñi than at Tusayan, such, for instance, as the use of hats and calico shirts in dances, American chairs, rifles, etc, etc.
[118] Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out similarities between both these women’s celebrations and certain Zuñi dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. V, p. 236, note).
[119] Hówina (Zuñi, Ówinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, is distinctly a Zuñi dance and is so recognized by the Hopi. I have seen photographs of the celebration at Zuñi which bear such a close resemblance to that called by the Hopi the Hówina that in all probability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated at Zuñi and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that pueblo are very much abbreviated in Tusayan (East mesa) where the organization has not the same power as with the Cibolans.