Now, in order to determine, which of these Schemes is the most eligible;—it would be right to consider, which is the easiest and most practicable,—which is least expensive,—which is likeliest to prevent similar Disturbances and Disputes for the future,—and which will least endanger the English Constitution and our domestic Tranquility. For all these Circumstances ought to be taken into the Account, before a due Judgment can be formed.
In regard to the first, I wish for the present to be silent about it;—partly out of Respect to that august Body, which has given a Sanction to it;—partly because it is now upon Trial, whether it can be executed or not;—and partly likewise because this must fall of Course, if either Mr. Burke’s, or mine, should be judged to have the Preference. For these Reasons, I say, I wish to keep a respectful Silence on this Head.
But in respect to Mr. Burke, I need not stand on so much Ceremony. For tho’ he is confessedly a great Rhetorician, and can with his magic Voice raise a mighty Tempest of metaphorical Lightenings and Thunders;—yet, Heaven be praised, there is the Period of all his Powers: And his verba ardentia, his flaming Words, are found to end at last (like many other Explosions) in Noise and Smoke. Nor doth it, I humbly apprehend, at all follow, that the Orator is endowed with a greater Portion of political Discernment than other Men, or with more disinterested Sincerity, and real Love of his Country, in making a just and honest Application of that Discernment;—merely because he has more Words at Command, and can muster up a greater Army of bright Similes, and florid Expressions.
But be that as it may:—I now consider myself as standing at the Bar of the public Tribunal: And therefore before the Jury is struck, and the Trial begins, I humbly beg Leave to claim, and to exercise one of the distinguishing Privileges of Englishmen in such Cases, viz. To except against all such Persons in the Pannel, who appear to be under a wrong Biass, and an undue Influence respecting the Nature of this Dispute.
And 1st. I except against Courtiers and Placemen, considered as such. This is not uttered out of a Spirit of Resentment, Pique, or Disappointment, according to the Mode of modern Times. For, I thank God, I have no Cause to complain of any Disappointment; having since my Advancement to the Deanery of Glocester in the Year 1758, neither directly nor indirectly made the least, or the most distant Application for any other or higher Station. This Renunciation of aspiring Views is a Circumstance, which I am persuaded Mr. Burke knew perfectly well, by various Means, and from different Persons, especially from a noble Lord, formerly high in Office, and a great Favourite at Court, but now his Coadjutor, and a flaming Patriot. And yet the Orator has been pleased to characterize me by Name in his Speech of the 19th of April, 1774, with out any Provocation, as one of those Court-Vermin (such was his polite Phrase) who would do any thing for the Sake of a Bishopric.—Moreover I do not make this Exception against Courtiers from any bad Opinion I have conceived of the present Set of Ministers; for I think it may be fairly allowed, without paying them any Compliment, that they are to the full as able, and as honest as the best of those who are endeavouring to supplant them. But nevertheless, as they are subject to many unhappy Biasses, which may draw their Judgments aside without sinister Intentions, they ought to be excepted against in the present Dispute. In fact, while the great Continent of North America shall continue to be united to this Island under any mode whatever, Persons in Administration will necessarily have a Multitude of Places and Sine-cures to dispose of, many lucrative Contracts to bestow; and, to speak in coarse tho’ very expressive English, many Jobs of various Kinds, wherewith to gratify their Friends, and Dependents. Not to mention, that if ever a total Separation (such as proposed by my Plan) should ensue, the Ministry for the Time being, would run a great Risque of falling a Sacrifice to the blind Zeal of popular Discontents, and the knavish Intrigues of Party-Factions. Therefore for all these Reasons, I must insist, that Courtiers and Placemen ought to be excepted against, as being not sufficiently unbiassed, or disinterested to determine impartially on the present Subject.
2dly. I particularly except against the whole Band of Mock-Patriots. And my Reason is, because this Race of Men will of Course, prefer that Scheme, whatever it be, which can furnish them with the most lasting Fund for Opposition and Complaint. Now it is evident, that our Conjunction with North-America, upon any Terms, and under any, or every Modification, will not fail of becoming an inexhaustible Source of Altercation and Reproach, let whatever Measures be pursued. For Example: Had the Ministry proposed at first that very Scheme, which Mr. Burke has now thought proper to recommend, the Heads of the Faction, and even Mr. Burke himself (if he had not been a Pensioner to North-America) would most probably have proposed just the Reverse; that is, they and he would have insisted on the Necessity of obliging the Colonies to contribute a Share, proportionable to their Interests, and to the growing Benefits they receive, towards the Maintenance, the Grandeur, and the Glory of that Empire, from which their own Preservation and Prosperity are derived. And then the popular Cry would have been, that a wicked and a profligate Administration were going to sacrifice the Honour and Dignity of the British Crown, and the dear-bought Rights and Privileges of the British Nation to American Gold, and American Ingratitude.—Then we should have been told (and every Town and Country News-Paper would have echoed and re-echoed the Tale) that America was the Property of Great-Britain by every possible and legal Claim;—by Right of Discovery,—Right of Occupancy,—Right of Possession,—uninterrupted Prescription,—Communication of Benefits,—Participation of Posts of Honour, and Places of Profit,—general Protection,—never-ceasing Defence, &c. &c. And then we should have been told with peculiar Emphasis, that this new-fangled, ministerial Scheme of erecting so many new Parliaments, all co-ordinate with each other, under one general Monarch, was not only a notorious Breach of the English Constitution, and utterly repugnant to the Law of the Land,—but was also a deep-laid, diabolical Contrivance to subjugate these petty Parliaments, one after another, and all in their Turns, to the irresistible Power of one grand Despot:—In short, then it would have been said (and with great Appearance of Truth) that divide, et impera was the ministerial Maxim;—and that, what was done, or going to be done in America, was only the Omen and Prelude to the like fatal Establishments here in Britain. For the next Step would be (and upon a Pretence full as good, and altogether as constitutional) to break to Pieces the united Force of the British Parliament, by erecting one diminutive Assembly of States at Edinburgh, another at York, a third at London, and a fourth at Bath, or Exeter, or somewhere in the West: And then, partly by flattering and cajoling,—partly by Bribes or Bullying,—by exciting their Hopes, or their Fears at one Time,—and their Jealousies at another,—and by playing off each of these puny Assemblies against its Rival, the Minister would necessarily become omnipotent;—and then farewell to the Liberties of Old England.
3dly. I object also against all those of whatever Denomination, from the roaring Patriot in the Senate, to the miserable Scribbler in the Garret, who are the Pensioners of France, or Spain, or of any other rival Power:—I say, I object against their being Judges in this Dispute, because the very Intent of their receiving Pay is to promote Discord, and to cherish Faction;—and because they cannot earn their Wages with more Facility, or with surer Success to their Employers, than by patronizing such Schemes, as will necessarily keep up the Disputes between Great-Britain and her Colonies.
But here the Smartness of Debate (to use one of Mr. Burke’s very smart Expressions) will be apt to say, “Who are those Persons against whom your Insinuations are levelled? Name them, if you are able: And as you ought to be furnished with the most positive Proofs, before you are entitled to throw out such Invectives, give them to the Public, in order that we may hold these Traitors to their Country in just Abhorrence.”
To all which strong Words I would beg Leave to suggest the following Answers.
1. I think it may be allowed, without injuring the Cause of Truth, or even Charity, that a Man may be fully convinced of a bad Design, or a wicked Scheme being in Agitation, without being able to prove, who are the Persons concerned in it. It is not usual for the Guilty to call upon the Innocent to step forwards and be their Accusers: Nor can it be expected, that the Names of the Conspirators should be the first Thing in any Conspiracy which is to be brought to Light. Indeed, generally speaking, this is the last Part of any Plot, or of any bad Design, which can be fully known, or legally ascertained. And therefore, if either the Experience of former Times, or the Nature of the Case, can afford probable Reasons, and circumstantial Evidence in Support of this Assertion, That there are Numbers of Pensioners to Foreign Powers now among us—surely we have obtained all the Proofs that are necessary at present towards establishing a general Belief of the Fact, (which is the only Point here contended for;) and we must leave to Time, that great Discoverer of political Machinations, to unravel the rest.