Wherefore, 2dly. Let it be observed, that the History of this very Country furnishes us with striking Examples in Confirmation of the above Assertion. Particularly during the memorable Reigns of Charles the Second, and William the Third, that is, just before, and just after the Revolution, there were many venal Englishmen, both in the Senate and out of it, the Pensioners of France; who, to be sure, meant nothing by what they said or did on these Occasions, and for such Pay, but the Good of their dear bleeding Country; who therefore stormed and thundered, speechified and harangued, printed and published out of pure, disinterested Zeal for the Welfare of poor, old England!
Hence therefore I infer, 3dly, That the like may happen again, or rather has happened already, unless it can be shewn, either, that France and Spain want no such Agents at present; or if they did, that they cannot now, as heretofore, find them here in Britain. In regard to the first of these Positions, whosoever will give himself the Trouble, to examine coolly and impartially into the slender Reasons alledged on our Parts, for beginning two of the most bloody and destructive Wars, that ever were known, will find sufficient Cause to believe, that those Powers will always think it to be more for their Interests, to cut out Work at Home for these restless and turbulent Islanders (as they are pleased to call us) than to let us be at Peace among ourselves, lest that Circumstance should give us an Opportunity of picking Quarrels with our Neighbours. And most certain it is, that both the former Spanish (or the No-Search) War, and the latter French (or the Acadia and Ohio) War, were begun and carried on principally with a View to promote the immediate Interests of the Northern Colonies; the former to protect their Smugglers, when hovering about the Coasts, and when actually trading in the prohibited Ports of the Spanish West-Indies; and the latter, (a War, alas! begun, without so much as a Declaration of War!) to do, I know not what! unless it was to enable the grateful Colonies to rebel against the Mother Country, perhaps a Generation or two sooner, than otherwise they would have done. But be that as it may, one Thing is certain, and beyond Dispute, that the more we are embroiled among ourselves, the less Cause will the other Powers of Europe have to fear our giving them any Disturbance: And that 20,000l. or 30,000l. a Year spent in Bribes and Pensions, properly disposed, to raise an Opposition against Government, and to enflame the Populace against their Rulers, will do more effectual Service to the Courts of France and Spain, than thirty Times these Sums laid out in manning Fleets, or equipping Squadrons or preparing and embarking Troops for an Invasion.
If therefore these Points are so self-evident, as not to be denied, the only Question now remaining is this, Can it be supposed, or is it credible, that a popular British Senator, a British Pamphleteer, or a British News-writer, in an Age so pure and uncorrupt as ours, would accept of a Bribe, or a Pension on such dishonourable Conditions? And are not all these illustrious Personages either of such well known independent Fortunes, or of such spotless Characters, and approved Virtue, as to be superior to any Temptation of this Sort? Now here I say nothing, but chuse to be silent; and earnestly entreat every Reader to judge for himself. Indeed there was a Time, when a Text of sacred Scripture might have been urged, as carrying some Weight in deciding the present Question: “Beware of false Prophets, who come to you in Sheep’s Cloathing, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves. Ye shall know them by their Fruits. Do Men gather Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Even so every good Tree bringeth forth good Fruit; but a corrupt Tree bringeth forth evil Fruit. A good Tree cannot bring forth evil Fruit, neither can a corrupt Tree bring forth good Fruit.—Wherefore by their Fruits ye shall know them.” I say, there was a Time, when the Authority of such a Caution would have been regarded as more decisive than the Productions of our modern licentious Presses. But as we now live in very extraordinary Times, full of new Lights, and new Discoveries, I forbear, lest our Patriots should accuse me of Bigotry, Priestcraft, or Superstition[1].
4thly. I expressly except against all Persons of Republican Principles for very obvious Reasons; for tho’ they dignify themselves by the Name of Whigs, yet as they are not the genuine, constitutional Whigs of this Kingdom, but an unnatural Superfœtation, and the avowed Enemies of the British Constitution, they ought not to be allowed to sit in Judgment in a British Cause. They are, it is well known, the professed Advocates for continuing and cementing the Union between Great-Britain and her Colonies; and yet they wish, above all Things, to see these Colonies totally exempt from, and independent of, the Power and Jurisdiction of the British Legislature. Now, how are we to reconcile these glaring Contradictions? And what is the Reason for professing such a preposterous Zeal for America, in Preference both to the Interests and Honour of their native Country? The Reason is this:—They think, that by cherishing and protecting a republican Government in the Colonies, they are paving the Way for introducing a similar Establishment into Great-Britain. Therefore Republicism is the Bond of Union between these unnatural Englishmen and their Fellow-Labourers of America: Republicism, I say, [pardon the Use of a new Word, where the Language doth not afford a better] is made the common Cause for uniting Persons of the most discordant Interests and different Inclinations in other Respects.
And I will add, as an Illustration of this Matter, and to shew how far certain Persons will go to obtain their Ends, that the Republicans in the Reigns of Charles II. James II. and William III. joined the Constitutionalists in bringing about the Revolution, chiefly with the Hopes, that a Prince who owed his Election to the Voice of the People, might the easier be dethroned by the same People, whenever they could get them into the Mood to do it, whether with, or without a Cause. For the very Sound of Monarchy, however limited, or however well administered, is grating to their Ears. They cannot bear to think, that one Man, or one Family should be so much exalted above themselves, in Contradiction to their darling Maxim of a natural Equality. And this Scheme for laying the Foundation of a new and equal Republic is what the Republicans really intend by using the Phrase Revolution Principles at this Day. In short, we have now the most authentic Proofs, that their Predecessors of old tried all Means in their Power, and even applied to the Court of France first to prevent, and then to defeat the Revolution, and to set up a Republican Form in its stead; alledging that it was more for the Interest of that Court to have a Republican Government take Place in England, somewhat after the Example of that of Holland, than any Kind of Monarchical Constitution, because this, at one Time or other, might become a troublesome Neighbour, and a dangerous Rival; whereas nothing of that Kind was to be feared from a mere simple Democracy. Moreover in some Years afterwards, when the Crown was settled on the House of Hanover, we know it well, (for it is no Secret) that the Republicans both then, and since, had no other Merit towards that House, notwithstanding all their Boastings, than that of reserving its Princes, like the Prisoners in Polyphemus’s Den, to be devoured the last. A mighty Favour truly! For which our Ears are perpetually dinned with a Repetition of the Services of these Men towards the ungrateful House of Hanover!
And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, having excepted against Courtiers and Placemen as such,—against pretended Patriots on every Account,—against the Pensioners of foreign Powers,—and against rank Republicans;—my humble Request is, that the Cause between Mr. Burke and me may be tried by the Landed Interest only. They are certainly the properest and most unexceptionable Judges; for they have the most at Stake; and their Interest, and the Interest of the Public, must necessarily coincide. They can gain nothing either by War, or Peace, by a Submission to, or a Separation from, the Revolters in North America, but what must tend to the general, as well as to their own particular Advantage. Whereas almost every other Rank of Men may find their Account, in countenancing and supporting such Measures, as may greatly enrich themselves, tho’ at the Expence of depopulating and impoverishing their native Country.
Nor, my Lords and Gentlemen, is this Cause beneath your solemn Notice and Regard. In the former Spanish [or no-search] War, you spent above Sixty Millions Sterling, including the extraordinary Sums raised, and the fresh Debts contracted:—And in the last French, Ohio, or Acadia War, you spent above Ninety Millions Sterling, if computed after the same Manner, viz. Additional Sums annually raised, and new Debts contracted. And all, alas! for what!!!![2]
But without any Retrospect to Things past, let us look towards what is to come.
The first Thing to be considered in the Dispute between Mr. Burke and me, is, which of Our Schemes is the easiest to be executed, and the most practicable? He proposes that all Concessions should be made on our Parts in Favour of the Colonies; but that none, or next to none, should be made by them in Favour of Great Britain. Now this Proposal can never terminate the Dispute between us and them, but on one or other of the following Suppositions.
First, that the Parliament and People of Great-Britain are now convinced, that they have acted injuriously, illegally, and unconstitutionally in pretending to make any Laws, whether good or bad, to bind the Americans: Because they (the Americans) have their own Legislatures, which are totally independent of ours: And therefore we take Shame to ourselves by revoking these pretended, usurping Laws. For in short, the first Step in Politics, as well as in Morals, towards sincere Repentance, is Restitution. Or, secondly, though we should not give up the Point of Right, of making Laws, and cry peccavimus,—yet we take for granted, that no improper Use will be made of the great and manifold Concessions, contained in Mr. Burke’s Scheme; because we have to deal with a People, who, (we know by long Experience) may be trusted with every Thing, as being the Quintessence of Honour and Honesty, both in public and private Life, and particularly the fair unsullied Monuments of national Gratitude.