[25.] Scott’s orders for the battle gave no directions for such a charge. His plan was to place Twiggs’s division and Shields’s brigade, supported by Worth’s command, on the highway in Santa Anna’s rear and attack from that quarter. From one of his reports it appears that he made some suggestion to Twiggs about the possibility of a frontal attack on El Telégrafo—presumably in the case of some unlooked-for turn of events; but he did not expect that officer to create the turn. The charge seems to have been ordered by Scott during the night ([213]Hatch to father, Apr. 21). To be sure, Scott’s orders spoke of a frontal attack, but evidently the reference was to Pillow’s movement.
The officers of the Rifles were taken by Polk from civil life. Scott offset this by having Major Sumner of the Second Dragoons, a veteran and able soldier, command the corps; but as Sumner had been disabled on Saturday, Major Loring was now at its head. When moving from shelter he exposed his men to being enfiladed by the enemy’s cannon, and the other troops actually cried out, “That’s the way to murder men” ([218]Henshaw). This illustrates how political appointments are likely to work on the firing line. The Rifles were expected to join in the attack on El Telégrafo after repulsing the enemy on the left, but a part of them were unable to do so (p. 352).
[26.] Events of Apr. 17–18 {except Pillow’s operations). Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 255–95, 298 (Scott’s orders; reports of himself and officers). Maury, Recolls., 37, 44. Hartman, Journal, 11. M’Sherry, El Puchero, 221–3. Picayune, May 1, 6, 9, 19. Delta, May 1, 15; June 18. [252]Mackall to father, Apr. 18. [335]Trist, May 7, 25. [217]Henshaw papers. Trans. Ills. State Hist. Soc., 1905, p. 213; 1906, pp. 182–3. [159]Narrative based on F. Collins papers. [6]Riley court of inquiry. [60]Plympton to Scott, July 27. [60]E. K. Smith to Plympton, July 23. [60]J. R. Smith to Polk, Nov. 30, 1848. [60]Twiggs to J. R. Smith, Nov. 9, 1848. [60]Morris to J. R. Smith, Nov. 15, 1848. [66]Russell court of inquiry: orders 155. [223]Hirschorn, recolls. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 46–52, 98–114. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 251–2. Grant, Mems., i, 132. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 59–84, 88, 90–1. Davis, Autobiog., 148–52, 155–8. Apuntes, 175–83. Tributo á la Verdad, 42, 49, 62, 136. S. Anna, Apelación, 34–41. Id.., Manifiesto, 1847, 7. Eye witness, Complete History, 79–80. Robertson, Remins., 248–52. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 137–40, 267. Engineer School, U. S. Army, Occas. Papers, no. 16. N. Y. Times, July 16, 1916 (Worth). Bishop, Journal. Nebel and Kendall, 24–5. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 67–8. [66]G. W. Smith to Stevens, Apr. 23. Mansfield, Mex. War, 195. [210]Bragg to Hammond, May 4, 1848. [254]McClellan, diary; to sister, Apr. 22. Diario, Apr. 28, 30; May 20; June 10, 23, 30. Republicano, Apr. 21, 23, 27; June 9; July 10. [84]Ampudia to gov. S. L. Potosí, Oct. 10. Gamboa, Impug., 30. Kenly, Md. Vol., 337. Ramírez, México, 227–9, 231, 261. [298]Porter, diary. London Times, June 15. Wash. Union, May 10, 11; Oct. 23. Monitor Repub., Apr. 20, 23, 24, 27; May 3, 6; Nov. 1, 30. Spirit of the Times, May 29; June 5. [124]Blocklenger, recolls. [327]Sutherland to father, Aug. —. Vedette, ii, no. 2. [322]Smith, diary. [307]Roberts to wife, Apr. 21. [178]Davis, diary. [270]Moore, diary. [358]Williams to father, Apr. 21. [152]Claiborne, memoirs. [112]Beauregard to Patterson, Apr. 20. [66]Stevens to J. L. Smith, May 7. [66]Tower to J. L. Smith, undated. [66]Mason to J. L. Smith, Apr. 24. Arnold, Jackson, 87. [66]G. W. Smith to Lee, Apr. 20. [66]Lee to Twiggs, undated. [65]Scott, gen. orders 249. [60]Riley to Westcott, Nov. 30. [332]Tennery, diary. Giménez, Apología. Ho. 85; 30, 1. Journal U. S. Artill.,1892, pp. 419–20. Lee, Gen. Lee, 38. Oswandel, Notes, 116, 122–8. Semmes, Service, 178–81, 183. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 887–94. [82]Soto to gov. Puebla, Apr. 18. [82]Pavón to Puebla sec. state, Apr. 29. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1089 (Hitchcock). Niles, May 22, pp. 183, 188. [148]Chamberlain, recolls. Elderkin, Biog. Sketches, 66. Journ. Mil. Serv. Instit., xlii, 128. Henderson, Science of War, 215. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 126. Smithwick, Evolution, 286. [76]S. Anna, Apr. 17, 21; May 7. [76]Canalizo, Apr. 18, 21. [76]Carrera, May 1. [76]Circular, Apr. 20. [76]Ampudia, Apr. 25. [76]To Brito, May 25. [76]Alvarez, Oct. 28. [76]Canalizo to Villaba & Co., Apr. 24; to son, Apr. 24. [76]Memorias by heads of depts., Nov., 1847.
Remarks on the battle (April 18). The perfect confidence displayed in Scott’s orders for the battle is noteworthy. No doubt it had a great effect on the troops. The orders to Worth were rather vague. Probably this was because the course of the battle was expected to indicate how his division could be used to the best advantage, but possibly on account of his intense jealousy of Twiggs it was not deemed wise to say clearly that he was to support Twiggs. In fact he followed Twiggs, ascended El Telégrafo, saw the white flag at the tongues, and sent Harney and Childs (Ripley, War with Mexico, ii, 74) to accept the surrender of the Mexican right wing. The movement assigned to Twiggs was hazardous, but the military quality of Santa Anna and the Mexican troops was now well understood.
General Shields was struck by a grape shot that passed through the upper part of his body; and his recovery, due to high surgical skill and the most devoted nursing, seemed almost miraculous. When Shields fell, Col. E. D. Baker took command. Canalizo was ordered to charge Shields’s brigade; but the ground was only partly cleared, and Santa Anna reported that a charge was not practicable. Canalizo was, however, accused by many of causing the Mexican defeat by letting the Americans reach the highway. He could have dismounted all his cavalry, as he did his cuirassiers, and 2000 fresh troops—especially if aided by those at the tongues—might have done a good deal; but probably he believed that the battle had already been lost. When Shields’s men approached the highway they came upon a party of Mexican surgeons, and on learning their business became instantly, according to the surgeons, their friends and protectors (Diario, Apr. 30). The chief Mexican surgeon stated that the Americans made no distinction between the two nationalities in bringing wounded men to the hospitals (Courrier Français, May 5). Worth’s command, deprived of its expected share in the battle through Twiggs’s departure from Scott’s plan, played the part of a reserve. Harney’s charge may have been launched just when it was because a thinning out of the summit of El Telégrafo (probably due to sending troops against Riley) led to the belief that the La Atalaya guns were doing great execution (Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 81). Harney placed the Seventh Infantry on his right, deploying some of the men as skirmishers to guard that flank, and the Third on his left, protected by the Rifles. (In consequence of Loring’s incompetence ([213]Hatch to father, Apr. 21) the Rifles did not charge in a body or effectively.) This line was supported by the First Artillery. Some of Harney’s men joined with Riley’s in capturing the minor crest. The La Atalaya battery fired over the heads of the charging Americans as long as this appeared to be safe. Vázquez died bravely at his post, whereas a number of high Mexican officers proved recreant. After the fighting began near the summit of El Telégrafo the Mexican cannon placed there could not be used, for they would have injured Mexicans as well as Americans. Santa Anna appears to have done all in his power to stem the tide of defeat. About 1000 Puebla men under Gen. Arteaga arrived during the battle. They were placed at the headquarters battery, but took flight early. S. Anna’s line was about a mile and a half long.
[27.] It has been argued that Pillow’s attack should have been a “mere feint,” i.e. threat. But (1) Scott had reason to fear that the purpose of a “mere feint” would be detected as soon as the grand battle should begin, and that the feint would fail of its purpose (see Donaldson and Becke, 387); and (2) Pillow had troops of superior mettle, who probably would not have been satisfied to make a mere threat (Nebel and Kendall, 25, note). In ordering this attack Scott violated Napoleon’s principle, which was to turn the enemy’s flank without dividing his own army (Johnston, Foundations, 180), but the circumstances warranted doing so. In particular Santa Anna had shown that he did not wish to be aggressive, and Scott intended to keep him busy (see Hamley, Operations, 160).
[28.] Pillow had also a few Tennessee horse and (attached to Haskell’s regiment) a Kentucky company—in all about 2000 men (Robertson, Remins., 244).
[29.] The text is based primarily on the full and minute account given in the diary of George B. McClellan (who accompanied Pillow and whose integrity and technical ability will not be questioned) and the following documents: reports of Engineers Stevens ([66]May 7) and Tower ([66]undated); Haskell and sixteen officers (Picayune, May 29); Haskell (ib., June 28); Pillow, reply (ib., June 9); Id., [61]substitute report, May 29 (to take the place of his published report, which he admitted was not correct); [139]letters of Col. Campbell, an able and fair man (who said privately the affair was most badly managed; also that Pillow was no general, and on the field had no judgment or decision); [224]Williams to Hitchcock, June 4, 1849; Wynkoop, July 16, in Picayune, Sept. 19; Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 125 (Stevens says, e.g., that Pillow’s attack failed because “made prematurely, with great precipitation, without order in the assaulting columns, and before the supporting columns were in position, and at the wrong point,” and that it, “both as to time and as to direction, was earnestly remonstrated against by the engineer officer directing the attack, by the personal staff of the general, and by Col. Campbell, second in command”). Of course Ripley, who wrote his history of the war in consultation with Pillow, gives a misleading account of this affair as of others.
The author used also the following sources: Sen. 51; 32, 1. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 257 (Scott); 258 (orders 111); 294 (Patterson); 296 (Pillow). [217]Henshaw papers. Taylor, Letters (Bixby), 109. [69]Pillow to adj. gen., June 25, 1848. [69]Ripley to adj. gen., June 25, 1848. [66]Tower to Twiggs, Apr. 16. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 50. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 251. Furber, Twelve Months Vol., 593. Grant, Mems., i, 133. Davis, Autobiog., 146. Apuntes, 173, 181. Weekly Courier and N. Y. Enquirer, Mar. 2, 1848. Robertson, Remins., 244–8. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 139. [293]Pillow to wife, June 9. [293]Rains to Mrs. Pillow, Apr. 18. Republicano, June 9, 24. Picayune, May 9; Sept. 11. México á través, iv, 654. Hillard, McClellan, 18, 19. Nat. Intelligencer, June 11. Monitor Repub., June 24. [358]Williams to father, Apr. 21. Vedette, viii, no. 5. Oswandel, Notes, 110–1, 122–35. Semmes, Service, 182–3. Hitchcock in semi-weekly Courier and Enquirer, Mar. 1, 1848. [100]Mata, Apr. 18. [82]Pavón to Puebla sec. state, Apr. 29. [288]Tapper to wife, May 3. Niles, June 5, p. 219; Oct. 2, p. 75. Boston Atlas, Dec. 13. Griepenkerl, Applied Tactics, 116. [316]Judd to Sherman, Feb. 26, 1848. Johnstone, Foundations, 180. So. Qtrly. Rev., Jan., 1852. [181]Armstrong to Donelson, July 4. [139]Cummings to Campbell, May 12; June 13. [76]Carrera, May 1. [76]S. Anna, May 7. The reason why reversing the regiments caused trouble seems to have been that infantry were accustomed to manœuvre and fight in a certain formation, and felt awkward if the right was unexpectedly brought out on the left. As Wynkoop had farther to march than Haskell and did not wish to attack before his support was in position, placing Campbell third in the line of march involved a delay. One derives a lesson on the value of official reports from Patterson’s representation that Pillow was wounded while gallantly leading his brigade (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 295).
[30.] The American soldiers were not pleased with this policy. The American government expressed itself against it and, placing an undeserved value on Mexican officers, ordered that no more of them should be paroled except for special reasons. It is probably enough to say that Scott was in the best position to judge; but one may remark that Santa Anna’s difficulty was not so much to obtain men as to obtain arms. Further grounds for releasing them are mentioned in Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 257. According to Gen. Pavón, Gen. La Vega and twenty-four other officers were not paroled. Some six declined to give their paroles. Among the spoils were a large amount of ammunition, $11,791.19 in cash (Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 24), and a wooden leg (supposed to have belonged to Santa Anna) now preserved in the capitol at Springfield, Ill.