Pillow reoccupied El Molino early Sept. 12 and his division slept there the following night. Early Sept. 13 Twiggs resumed operations at La Piedad, and the Mexicans endeavored to draw him on. Steptoe had two 12-pounders and two 24-pound howitzers. The weakness and gradual discontinuance of his fire and the fact that Twiggs did not expose his infantry rendered this feint ineffective. Scott states that Taylor’s battery also was at La Piedad, but it does not seem to have been used at this time. Perhaps, as the Mexicans were likely to attack, it was held in reserve.
The storming parties were composed of volunteers. In some and possibly in all cases some slight reward was offered. In a number of regiments so many volunteered that it became necessary to draw lots. Scott thought Pillow would need one brigade; but Pillow sent for Worth’s whole division and received one (Clarke’s) brigade of it. Ripley (op. cit., ii, 420) states that Pillow asked for only one of Worth’s brigades, but against him is the testimony of Scott, of Worth and of Semmes, who bore Pillow’s message. Some of Clarke’s men arrived in time to fight. After the battle Pillow admitted that not over 1000 of his men took part in the assault (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 408). He had too many. They were in one another’s way. Pillow stated that the garrison was 6000, thus probably reckoning almost every Mexican soldier within a mile of the hill. Pillow wrote ([180]Oct. 18): I led “to the very Cannon’s mouth, where I was cut down—Then my men picked me up and carried me forward under my orders and with a shout of exultation and triumph, scaled the ditches and wall.” In fact he seems to have received a painful wound on the ankle from a glancing grapeshot at the foot of the hill (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 378), and was not carried to the summit until serious fighting had ended (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 156, 172, 204, 217, 222, 224). Cadwalader succeeded him in command. Lt. Col. Hébert with the Eleventh Infantry, assisted by Sumner’s dragoons and in effect by Trousdale and Jackson, kept off a strong force of lancers that menaced the American rear from the direction of Los Morales.
Sept. 13 when Santa Anna finally sent the San Blas battalion (perhaps 400) toward the summit, the approach of the Americans forced it to halt—apparently at the entrenchment (D) near the glorieta. The Third Ligero was ordered to reinforce this battalion, but the college fell before it arrived, and it retired. Other troops were sent to the lower parts of the hill. Some perished, some retreated, some were captured. The Hidalgo battalion fought on the Tacubaya road. Reserves of 2–5000 were on the Belén causeway near Chapultepec.
A Mexican lieutenant of engineers named Alemán had charge of firing the mines, and he was ordered to do his work. At his trial he said that he found his way blocked by Mexican troops, and that before he could reach his post the Americans were there. Some, if not all, of the canvas pipes containing the trains had already been found and cut by our troops. The Americans got over the fosse by laying ladders across it. The man who first reached the Mexican flagstaff appears to have been Capt. Kimball, a Vermonter but born in New Hampshire. He stood on guard there till Seymour, who commanded his regiment after Ransom’s fall, arrived. Sept. 13 the Americans took revenge for the atrocities perpetrated upon our wounded on the eighth.
The second in command in Casey’s party was Capt. Paul, but Capt. B. S. Roberts, whose company stood at the head of it, led the successful charge. Gen. Rangel reported that by this time the Mexican muskets had become useless and the one cannon that directly enfiladed the road had been accidentally disabled. It is quite clear, particularly in the light of Mexican evidence, that the fort on the summit was carried before the gateway batteries. Quitman rendered no essential service in the capture of Chapultepec, though he kept many Mexicans occupied. His troops that went up the hill were not needed. (Even Clarke’s brigade was a greater reinforcement than the situation called for.) Shields states that the three regiments turned off to the left because the Mexicans in Quitman’s front were found too strong, and if these could not be beaten before those three regiments were detached, evidently the remainder of Quitman’s command was not strong enough to beat them. When Roberts led the successful charge, Worth (whom Clarke rejoined), Trousdale and Jackson had appeared at the northeast of Chapultepec and menaced the rear of the gateway batteries. Except thirty to fifty under Capt. Terrett the Marines did not distinguish themselves. Their commander, however, said that their ammunition failed, and other officers stated that Quitman ordered the corps to halt. This was their first battle.
P. F. Smith had the Mounted Rifles (minus two companies detached), First Artillery and Third Infantry (minus two companies detached). It was hoped that he could strike the Belén aqueduct, break through, and take the Mexican flank and rear. Smith’s brigade not being strong enough—under the difficulties of the ground and in view of Quitman’s halt—to attack Santa Anna’s reserves, veered toward the causeway, and under the partial shelter of maguey opened fire. His right companies took part in the final charge against the gateway batteries. Had Quitman given Smith the pioneer party with planks, etc., for bridging the ditches, and a storming party, and supported him with two of the regiments that went up the hill, Smith could have struck the Mexicans effectively on the Belén route, while Quitman himself was doing what he could on the Tacubaya road with the rest of his command. A great number of prisoners could probably have been captured in this way (Stevens, Stevens, i, 214–5). Gen. Rangel reported that the corps which defended the work on the Tacubaya causeway lost one third, and that almost every member of his staff was wounded Sept. 8 or 13. The serious fighting inside the fort lasted only four or five minutes. When the final assault occurred, the effective defenders, all told, probably did not number more than 275. Bravo’s sword was returned to him. He was charged by Santa Anna with bad conduct, but when tried was fully exonerated. In reference to Chapultepec the author was kindly assisted by Señor D. Ignacio Molina, head of the cartography section of the Mexican government, who was a student at the military college in Sept., 1847, and, being an engineer by profession, could be relied upon.
[18.] Pillow estimated the Mexican killed, wounded and captured at Chapultepec at about 1800 (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 408), and mentioned that the prisoners included Gens. Bravo, Noriega, Monterde [Dosamantes, Saldaña], three colonels, seven lieut. colonels and 40 captains. The actual number of Mexicans captured in the operations of Sept. 13–14 was 125 officers, 698 men besides about forty students (Hitchcock in Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 430). As to their killed, wounded and missing, one can only guess. The American loss on Sept. 12–14 was: killed, 10 officers, 128 rank and file; wounded, 60 officers, 613 rank and file (Ho. 24; 31, 1). What part of this loss was incurred at Chapultepec cannot be stated. (Black) McSherry (M’Sherry), El Puchero, 108.
[19.] The Belén operations. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1019, 1021–5. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 381–3 (Scott), 398 (Twiggs), 414–6 (Quitman), 423 (Huger); app., 180 (Bonneville), 184 (Smith), 191 (Beauregard), 215 (Seymour), 223 (Smith), 225 (Shields), 230 (Porter). Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 188 (Ripley). 633 (Pillow). Carreño, Jefes, 166. Niles, Oct. 30, pp. 137–8. Sen. Report 32; 34, 1. Brown, Ninth Inf., 62. Haskin, First Artill., 115. So. Qtrly. Rev., Jan., 1853, pp. 43–4. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 133, 145–9; iv, app., 304–8. Balbontín, Invasión, 132. Davis, Autobiog., 209–10, 232–4, 262–3. [376]Nicholson, recolls. [218]Henshaw narrative. [69]Dimick to Woodbury, Dec. 1, 1848. [69]Childs to Dimick, Dec. 2, 1848. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 347, 364, 367–9, 372, 385–6. [151]Reports and letters. City of Charleston, S. C, Year Book, 1883, p. 523. Rowland, Miss. Register, 418. [113]Beauregard, remins. [357]Wilcox, diary. [303]Reports. [60]Loring to P. F. Smith, Sept. 27. [60]Dimick to Id.., Sept. 20. [60]Id. et al. to P. F. Smith, Oct. 19, 1848. [60]Id.to adj. gen., Nov. 30, 1848. [69]Williams to Porter, Apr. 11, 1857. [65]Adj. gen., orders 7, Feb. 20, 1847. Rodriguez, Breve Reseña, 870. Gamboa, Impug., 56. [70]“Guerra,” no. 155 (trial of Terrés). Picayune, Nov. 20. Delta, Oct. 14, 26, 1847; Jan. 11, 1848. México á través, iv, 695. Dunovant, Battles, 11–17. Wash. Union, Sept. 11. Monitor Repub., Nov. 3; Dec. 16. South. Mag., July, 1874, p. 78. [364]Worth to daughter, Sept. 28. Ramsey, Other Side, 249, note. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 246. [270]Moore, diary. [335]Statement re Quitman by Trist. [80]Relac. to Olaguíbel, Sept. 14. Statements to the author from Quitman’s daughters. [327]Sutherland to father, Aug. —. [178]Davis, diary. [269]Molina, recolls. Reynolds, Exculpation. Stevens, Vindication. S. Anna, Detall, 21, 29–32. Raleigh Star, Nov. 3. [76]Tornel to Carrera, Sept. 9. Apuntes, 309, 317–22. Diccionario Universal (México). [68]Bonneville court martial. Semmes, Service, 457. Monitor Repub., Nov. 3 (Terrés). Stevens, Stevens, i, 210–1. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 492–3.
Remarks on the Belén operations. The Mexicans retiring by this road were commanded by Gen. Lombardini. The principal corps was the Activo regiment of Morelia. The ditch across the Tacubaya causeway at the gateway batteries was promptly filled in by the Americans to permit passage. A part of the men who captured the gateway batteries pursued the fleeing Mexicans, but not far. A part of the Sixth Infantry, having gone astray, joined Quitman. It has been suggested that Scott made a mistake in not giving orders, before the attack upon Chapultepec, for subsequent operations, and thus left the troops to their own devices; but it was impossible for him to calculate in advance what the situation would be, and he went as soon as possible to the summit of the hill, which was the proper place for surveying the field and issuing suitable commands.
The Belén garita presented a hard problem because, having been more threatened than the San Cosme garita, it seemed likely to be more strongly guarded, because, being nearer to the forces protecting the southern front, it could be more quickly and effectively reinforced, and because it was supported by the citadel, which could only be approached over open ground. Scott, therefore determined to make only a feint at Belén (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 382). Quitman, however, owing to the abortive Alvarado expedition, had not figured at Cerro Gordo. Aug. 20 and Sept. 8 his duty had been to guard the rear. Hence he had won no éclat under Scott, and, feeling that Scott was unfriendly to him, he apparently resolved at this time to take the bit in his teeth (Davis, Autobiog., 232). During his operations against the city Scott repeatedly signified his disapproval of them, but Quitman refused to retire without a positive order (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 386), and, since Quitman had committed him, Scott, although extremely annoyed (Davis, Autobiog., 234–5), wisely refrained from giving this. Gen. U. S. Grant said, “It is always, however, in order to follow a retreating foe, unless stopped or otherwise directed” (Mems., i, 152). This principle authorized Quitman’s moving toward the city but not the later part of his operations. At the expense of his men, therefore, Quitman was guilty of virtual insubordination—though not of positive disobedience—for personal reasons. This fact it is necessary to make clear. But his men were no doubt as willing as he to risk their lives, and it was only natural that Quitman should seek to distinguish himself. That motive had to be recognized, for without it probably few volunteer officers would have been in the field. Ripley (op. cit., ii, 549) says that according to Scott’s report orders were repeatedly sent to Quitman to prevent his too rapid advance, but Quitman did not receive them and could not find the staff officer who had borne them. What Scott said (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 382) was that he repeatedly communicated his “views” to Quitman, and Davis (Autobiog., 234–5) supports this statement. The purpose of Ripley’s remark apparently was to hint that Scott’s statement was untrue.