[229.3] Rel. of Sem., pp. 437-438.
[229.4] De Dea Syria, c. 16 and c. 28.
[229.5] Histoire de l’Art, iv. pl. viii, D.
[230.1] Jeremias, in his articles on “Izdubar” and “Nebo” in Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 792 and iii. p. 65, concludes that a phallic emblem was employed in the ritual of Ishtar; but he bases his view on the translation of the word ibattu in the Gilgamesh Epic, which is differently rendered by King, Babylonian Religion, p. 163, and Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 572.
[230.2] Thureau-Dangin, Les Cylindres de Goudéa, p. 69.
[231.1] This may explain the double phrase, used concerning the institution and endowment of temple-rites in an inscription of the time of Tiglath-Pileser III., which Zimmern translates by “Opfer-Mahlzeiten,” Keil. Bibl., iv. p. 103; cf. especially K.B., iii. p. 179 (inscr. of ninth century); Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babyl. Relig., ii. p. 99 (sacred loaves offered before consultation of divinity).
[231.2] Vide Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 200.
[231.3] Vide Cults, i. p. 88; v. p. 199.
[232.1] Judges ix. 13; cf. Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 203.
[232.2] Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 506. This seems to agree with the statement in Diodorus (19, 94) that the Nabataeans tabooed wine; yet Dusares, the Arabian counterpart of Dionysos, was a Nabataean god.