They will have a long train of people prepared for the purpose, and the Prince will be trumpeted forth from all corners. They will demand universal suffrage, and Napoleon, son of Jérome, will be hailed King of Etruria....

Now, what am I to do in such a deplorable state of affairs? Exiles in general are not treated with much consideration, particularly when they want to give gratuitous advice. Everyone naturally says, here is a man who was not able to preserve his own country wanting, forsooth, to teach others how to save theirs; and there are certain people going about those provinces (especially some of my compatriots with whom I should not like on any account to be confused.) Altogether (take note of this) I am suspicious of the very persons that I ought to see, and I cannot trust the sincerity of their assurances. Besides Farini, Minghetti, and Ricasoli (the three men upon whom things entirely depend) have been already advised from your place, and have received their instructions from Marliani and Lajatico.

My journey would create a heap of absurd rumours without resulting in any advantage, seeing that I shall certainly not succeed in persuading them, if they will not be persuaded, and if, after all, they are already convinced, the trouble would go for nothing.

But to what conclusion does all this lead us?

In Italy itself you will never be able to combat Napoleon’s policy as long as Italy remains in its present condition—that is to say, while he keeps Piedmont subject to continual pressure, occupies Lombardy with eighty thousand men, is the sole arbiter of affairs in Zurich, holds the Pope with vain hopes in a state of uncertainty, and caresses the Bourbons of Naples, lending them courage to resist the representations of England.

It was perhaps a great error to have invoked his aid at all, and I do not intend to disguise the fact; but the error of the Tory Cabinet in allowing him to come alone was certainly greater. It is not now a question of expelling him, because this could not be brought about without war, and everybody has either had enough or is averse to it.

It is merely a question of limiting his influence, in the same way that the war was localised. We must give him a fragment in order to save the remainder, strengthening this Subalpine Kingdom and perhaps the Southern Kingdom too, at the expense of the territory of the Pope, whose temporal dominions cannot last any longer. But this Southern Kingdom must cease to be the prey of a party that is so infamously reactionary, and the civil government must be restored upon the basis of true liberty. This particular change, which will infuse new spirit into the life of Italy, is not difficult of attainment now that the true Mayor of the Palace and virtual King is Filangieri, a man of large and tractable conscience, if those metallic wires which actuate it are properly manipulate.

But all this cannot be originated in Italy. In order to obtain such a result we must work elsewhere, and work[work] with all our might.

A plan will be submitted to Lord John Russell by a person who is exceedingly[exceedingly] well versed in Italian affairs, and whose political instincts are of the highest. This plan is admirable in its simplicity, and not difficult to carry out if there be hearty goodwill towards the work, and it be taken in hand at once....

Yours most affectionately,