The Diplomatists of Europe

by M. Capefigue

Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of the realisation of these political plans, for the Pyrenees were already passed. After the battle of Orthes the French army was unable to maintain the road to Bourdeaux, and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal Beresford, was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning the inclination in favour of the Bourbons, which began to manifest itself in the southern provinces. On this occasion he assumed a political position for the first time; until now he had been merely a general officer, exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiations with the junta of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were evidently assuming a decisive character fraught with great importance. Would he be justified in giving a political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on this subject when the Allies were engaged in negotiation at Chaumont? Lord Wellington permitted the full and energetic manifestation of the public feeling; and Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag being hoisted. The empire was gradually declining from the northern to the southern extremity of the kingdom; and letters were received from Lord Castlereagh, informing the chief of the English armies of the events that had taken place in Paris. The battle of Toulouse was fought a few days afterwards, a melancholy and useless sacrifice of human life,—for it was incapable of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies; in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed, and Louis XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital. The English remained in possession of Toulouse, and the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the allied powers.

Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he was then possessed of no political influence, his life being entirely military; and Lord Castlereagh, then at the head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield his ministerial influence to any one. When, however, the congress was assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington, who had been received with the utmost enthusiasm in England, attended this meeting of crowned heads, to exhibit the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind the services he had rendered to the common cause. The talent he had displayed in the Peninsular war, and the perseverance he had exhibited during that long struggle, had cast a halo round his person, and greatly excited the public curiosity concerning him. He was at that time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his manners, but attaching some value to the attention shewn him by some of the ladies at Vienna; an immense number of entertainments were given to him, and it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many resources for those inclined to pleasure and dissipation.

In the midst of all these amusements the congress was startled by the fall of the thunderbolt,—news was received of the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan! It was necessary immediate recourse should be had to military measures, and without a moment's hesitation the direction of the operations was entrusted to the Duke of Wellington, as the person most capable of opposing Napoleon; besides which, as Great Britain gave the impulse to the European league, it was necessary to give her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo, conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due to him, in consideration of the subsidies which the English parliament were about to vote for the advantage of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to decide in concert with Field-marshal Blucher upon the plan of his campaign; and when opposed to the powerful army of Napoleon, he followed the same system he had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say, he assumed a defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position. His military reputation had commenced with the lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to reach its zenith at Waterloo;—thus shewing that the whole of a man's destiny is sometimes comprehended between two ideas.

I shall not enter here into military details, but content myself with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a perfect type of the system pursued by two men whose military capacities were entirely dissimilar—the Emperor and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was impetuous, actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy; but disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The Duke, on the contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided during an active campaign, to such a degree that he endangered the safety of his troops whenever he attempted a bold movement; but he was at the same time cool and collected, and accustomed to avail himself of every advantage when acting on the defensive. The attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo recalled the battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the intrenched position of Mont St. Jean.

The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally increased after this great battle; he was advancing at the head of a victorious army, and though Blucher did not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet the Duke, from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo, could not fail to exercise a considerable influence over the mind of the Prussian generalissimo. At last, when they approached Paris, all the revolutionary party, with Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke, considering him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to decide upon the fate of France. Fouché opened an active negotiation with him for the occupation of France; and the noble Duke, in a conversation with Louis XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and Fouché, as the only one capable of bringing about an union between royalty and the liberty obtained by the revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he duped? Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to pieces almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued ascendency of Lord Castlereagh and the English government was replaced by the personal influence of the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded by the Duke de Richelieu.

By the treaty concluded in the month of November 1815, it had been stipulated that an army of occupation should remain in France; and it was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, without making any distinction among the contingents furnished by the different powers. He was also appointed inspector of the fortresses in the Low Countries, which were erected as advanced posts against France, and with the money levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris, where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his English principles were in perfect agreement with a system of moderation and freedom. He possessed an honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with ease and simplicity of the state of events; and we must do him the justice to say, that when on various occasions he was constituted arbiter of the claims of the Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in favour of our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted, more than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the army of occupation, he declared that the state of the public mind in France would permit this relief to be granted, which the suffering condition of the country rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when the Duke of Wellington was engaged in rendering us most essential service, the Buonapartist spirit armed a fanatic against his life, and a pistol was fired actually into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St. Helena, should have degraded himself to such a degree as to award a recompense to the miscreant who had thus attacked his former military adversary. Conduct like this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even from the most renowned characters in history.

After the departure of the army of occupation, and the signing of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke of Wellington quitted Paris; his military career was at an end, and his political life may be said to have just begun: having been raised to a seat in the House of Peers,[37] with the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense fortune, and decorated with the stars of every order of knighthood in Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing a considerable degree of influence. But the order of things was now changed in England: during the long wars against the French Revolution and Empire, the English had shewn extreme energy, and had made great and very judicious use of their powerful means, thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the difficulties presented by their situation; they were successful because they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary principles, and firmly resolved to carry out the war. The people had then no time to think of internal dissensions, they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly recurring struggles, and always hoping for victory; but now that the war was at an end, passions were reawakened, and Lord Castlereagh saw his power gradually declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was progressively increasing.

The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle and family precedent; he took his seat in the House of Peers among the Conservatives; and he and Lord Aberdeen formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an eloquent speaker, but he expressed himself with great clearness and precision; and, without being a man of a very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctive good sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment of the generality of questions; while, at the same time, he was perfectly au fait of the political occurrences and situations of Europe, for he had taken a part in too many affairs of importance not to have retained a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington, as a statesman, was less distinguished for the great than for the good things he had done. His popularity was now on the decline; the time had passed away when his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of Waterloo was too staunch a Tory to be a favourite with the populace. The queen's trial had excited public opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was progressing rapidly towards reform.

Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little political influence except in the diplomatic circle; but he found himself mixed up with all the serious continental affairs, in consequence of the important part he had formerly played; and he was present at the congress of Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence in foreign affairs during Mr. Canning's ministry, although the Whig party was in the ascendant. Russia appeared at this time likely to become the rival of England; the Greek question caused considerable public excitement, and difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of the Hellenic territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered it necessary a person of great consideration should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke of Wellington, being held in high estimation by the Emperor Nicholas, and having also been actively engaged in most of the questions of general interest, it was decided that his mission should be attached to the treaty of the sixth of July, which established the independence of Greece, and settled her territorial boundaries. It had become necessary the business should be finally decided; and as, in England, strong prejudices against individuals are never indulged in when business is at stake, the Duke of Wellington was selected as being the person most capable of being useful.