When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead; Lord Goderich's ministry was struggling feebly with the difficulties it had to encounter, and as diplomatic matters were assuming a singularly complicated appearance, the king thought it advisable to form a Tory ministry of men of capacity and experience. It was composed of Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington; and peculiarly adapted for resisting any encroachments on the part of Russia. When the Duke came seriously to examine into the state of the country, he was convinced that one of the first steps necessary to secure the efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation of the Catholics. This had long been a favourite idea in his family; and Marquis Wellesley[38] had formerly detached himself from George III. on this very question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was passed by a majority; the Tories were desirous of the glory of originating so just and equitable a measure.[39]
The revolution of July, some months afterwards, struck a fatal blow to the heart of the Tories; for Radical opinions were already obtaining great influence in England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified the proceedings with the epithet untoward—the same expression he had used concerning the battle of Navarino. Had not every thing been overturned and altered by this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the Duke to contend with a political system which threatened to destroy the treaties concluded in 1815? He comprehended the full consequences of this change,—nor did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first occasion of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation, and gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs. As in England all political characters are independent of their position, they resign it without regret, even for some incidental circumstance. The Duke then placed himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of the enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming there about the same situation as Mr. Peel in the House of Commons. Conservative and Tory signify in England men of worth and consistency, who venerate the ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish them to be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent ground for a statesman to take up, for he places himself as a barrier to oppose all the storms raised by parties. The Duke's Conservative principles made him averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient constitution of England: he continued to observe this steadfastness of opinion in the House of Lords; and when, in 1833, the continental question again became perplexed, the king proposed forming another ministry, in which he was to be included; but on this occasion, with an admirable appreciation of existing circumstances, Mr. Peel was placed at the head of the cabinet, and the noble Duke only filled a secondary place. He considered that a name belonging to the commonalty, like that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than that of the Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen. In consequence of this arrangement the Duke found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel, and he appeared only to have been included in the ministry that he might act as its representative in the House of Lords: as it has been remarked by an English political writer, he certainly did not form its basis, whatever strength and consideration he might have brought to its assistance.
Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the Tories were certainly guilty of an oversight in forming this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing more deeply injures a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which are not crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed his place in the House of Lords, and spoke with seriousness and moderation upon all the questions of importance that came before them. As I have before observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and which carry every thing before them. His manner of expressing himself is quiet and serious; and he is always listened to with respect and attention. His private life is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is surrounded by pictures of all his battles, from India to Waterloo. His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula; and one might say that the recollections of his youth, under the exhilarating sky of the south of Europe, are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old friends, and the society that reminds him of his military adventures; he is also very intimate with the corps diplomatique, and entertains magnificently,—displaying all the splendour of an immense fortune and the grandeur of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings evinced towards him in later times; and he has more than once called attention to the windows of his palace, now defended by iron gratings against the violence of the mob, who threw stones against his windows and into his splendidly decorated apartments. "What a contrast!" said he to Pozzo di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect, my dear friend, my popularity after the battle of Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815; and now see how completely I am out of favour with these people!"
The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to Marlborough and Nelson—the two most illustrious of English heroes; but he avoids all comparison with Napoleon, for their two careers are neither on the same scale nor can be measured by the same proportion.
The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached to the defensive system, always knew how to select a favourable position; received battle, but very rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only shewed himself eminently superior when acting on the defensive.[40] Napoleon, on the contrary, was bold and magnificent in the attack; his plans were cleverly laid, and were the result of a sudden inspiration,—his wonderful genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances; but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was cast down, and his retreat was almost always a flight: though his attack was made in the most brilliant manner, he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified the military genius of the French nation, from the times of Cressy and Agincourt. I think it necessary to repeat this parallel, as it is the only one that it is possible to draw between Napoleon and the Duke of Wellington. Nelson was the only Englishman who carried into naval warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in the continental war. Had the Emperor lived to the age of the Duke, it would have been curious to compare these two great characters at the extreme point of existence.
Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties and statesmen has been greatly developed; Whigs and Tories have in turn been at the helm—Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; affording opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the character and personal value of each. The Tories have now returned into power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen; but the Duke would not accept any office beyond a sort of patronage over the House of Lords.
A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs and Tories, embracing the most distinguished characters among both. Lord Grey left all his celebrity as a leader of the opposition, to become a minister of mediocrity at the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited so much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt at liberalism, as to lose all his consistency in England. The Tories on the contrary, have retained two men of high consideration, whose reputation is unblemished, viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal the chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous manner of speaking of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen possesses in an eminent degree a knowledge of foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and the seal of the Tory party.
People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's character, by supposing him to feel a dislike to France; on the contrary, he has many feelings quite in agreement with our national character and history. The Tories, to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that the predominance of France is necessary for the balance of power in Europe; they seek all occasions to give a proof of this opinion, and are often grieved at the prejudices which exist at the bottom of our character against the politics of their cabinet.
The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced age of seventy-four years, and he seldom speaks in the House of Lords; but when he does so his speeches are always worthy of attention, for his words carry with them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate statesman. His career, which began at so early an age in the burning climate of India, has been already several times endangered by sudden attacks of illness, from which he has recovered,—thanks to the strength of his constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he himself corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, which not only place him in the front rank as a strategic writer, but also award him an elevated position in the scale of minds imbued with the principles of order, government, and administration. Let us repeat it, three men form a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. Peel for the administration, Lord Aberdeen for foreign affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for military glory and renown. All these three are men of powerful minds.