The Diplomatists of Europe

by M. Capefigue

The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and up in arms. At the same time Baron Hardenberg was engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret, who did not perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following the stream—that it was, in fact, no longer the king who governed, but the people, and that the people were boiling with indignation. Generally speaking, the functionaries of the empire did not attach sufficient importance to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth, were too great people, men of too illustrious birth, as every one is aware, and they looked down upon the mass of the nation! These men, born of the people, raised by them—some being old newspaper-writers, others scriveners, or retired attorneys—considered themselves, by the grace of God, such great lords and princes, that they paid no attention to the vast power which gives laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg wrote that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance, even after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind was quite at ease on the subject of Prussia; and the diplomatic despatches give sufficient evidence of the perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the approaching movement at Berlin: they did not observe that fresh ideas were becoming developed, and that the cabinet was no longer master of the country. "What is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to the Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to Paris, bearing soothing words. "Prussia is desirous of maintaining peace, and the French alliance is pleasing to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read this note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which describes perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation M. Maret had not understood:—"It has occurred to the king, that nothing would more advance the great work than a truce, according to which the French and Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and establish lines of demarcation, leaving an intervening country. Would his imperial majesty be willing to enter into such an arrangement? Would he consent to resign the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau, and of Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly with the Saxon troops, as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit), to the troops of the king, and withdraw his army beyond the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander should withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire into the intentions of his imperial majesty on this head; and he has made similar proposals to the Emperor Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely from himself, and which can in no way compromise the resolution which your sovereign, his imperial majesty, may come to on this point. According to what is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his ulterior proceedings."

Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid, matters were, nevertheless, in a state of progression. In her first position, the situation of Prussia was that of an ally; in the second, that of a neutral power: would she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor Alexander at Breslau decided the king upon following the popular movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced in favour of the coalition; information being conveyed to M. Maret, in a paper drawn up by Hardenberg, that Prussia had declared war. This remarkable exposition of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains, more especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of violations of the various clauses of the treaty, and recollections of the harsh rule of the French generals. One circumstance, however, is omitted, although it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian minister, viz. that the country was weary of foreign dominion. The Tugendbund had arisen, like an ancient German warrior, armed at all points.

Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by a second, addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris, who transmitted it to M. Maret. "The Emperor of Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship to Prussia, while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even having condescended to enter into any explanation with her. Prussia has endured all the insolence unsparingly heaped upon her by the conqueror; all her fortified places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the country. These circumstances render further hesitation impossible; honour commands us to draw the sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable and advantageous peace has been obtained."

Baron Hardenberg was now completely in his element; his original inclinations bound him to Russia and the Emperor Alexander, and he rejoiced in seeing the idea of Queen Louisa accomplished, and the two monarchs pressing each other's hands. From this time forward, all the efforts of the minister were directed to the developement, and organisation of the secret societies. His object was to give a heroic impulse to Germany, and, laying aside for the moment all the divisions between the Catholic and Protestant parties, he resolved to see nothing but the Fatherland thirsting for deliverance from the tyranny of Napoleon; he encouraged the young men to carol patriotic songs, and excited them to march boldly to battle, without any distinction being made between the civilian and the soldier.

Then were seen universities rising en masse, and the professors themselves leading their pupils to the battle of the giants. The engagements of Lutzen and Bautzen have never been considered in a point of view which would invest them with a melancholy interest. The flower of both countries was there opposed to each other; the conscripts of the empire, from the age of eighteen to twenty-one years, and the students of the universities bearing the funereal banner of Queen Louisa, the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of twenty-two years. In the midst of these noble squadrons were heard the thunders of 1500 pieces of artillery, tearing their youthful and tender bodies, carrying off heads, mutilating limbs; yet none of these youths faltered, for they were fighting for their country, their common mother.

During this tremendous conflict, the minister did not neglect liberal concessions, capable of increasing the enthusiasm of the people. Germany, so heavily oppressed, thirsted after liberty, and when the people were giving such pledges to the government, it was but just the government, in return, should do something for the people. In Prussia there is a spirit essentially of organisation, a constant want of improvement and progress. All the acts of Hardenberg at this period were impressed with a character of liberty; he augmented the municipal administrations, all the pecuniary privileges of the nobility and clergy were annulled, and, following the ideas of the economic school, wardenships and the freedom of cities were abolished. By some acts of the cabinet a political constitution was promised to Prussia, although it is hardly possible to believe they could ever have thought seriously of such a thing for a country whose interests and opinions were so disjointed as those of Germany. But at that time Napoleon was regarded by the whole world as a great despot; the power raised to oppose him must of necessity be the spirit of liberty; and every national feeling rose in arms, because the season of oppression must be brought to a close. Under these peculiar circumstances, engagements naturally were entered into and promises made. To a people capable of such noble daring, great concessions might be promised, and in this, Hardenberg only followed the impulse that had been given; he pressed the hand of Stein, Blucher, and Gneisenau, because their names, like that of Suwarow in Russia, were the symbol of the country in arms.

See what name is given in Germany to our disastrous defeat at Leipsic—the Victory of the Nations! Yes! it was indeed there, the nations overcame the terrible oppressor who had crushed them to the dust! It was from the battle of Leipsic, that dated the sudden, but prolonged reaction, which finally delivered the people and the governments from that giant hand. Accustomed as we are to place the character of Napoleon in the highest rank, we will not understand that he was the tyrant of Europe, and that even now we are undergoing the reaction of two fatal ideas—the recollection of our conquests and of our disorganising principles.

After Leipsic, the Rhine was crossed, and Hardenberg did not for a moment quit the head-quarters of the Allies: he also represented Prussia at the congress of Châtillon. From this moment, in all the diplomatic proceedings, as well as in the military operations, Prussia always manifested the strongest animosity against the French Emperor; she hoped for great reprisals, and would undoubtedly have obtained them, had not the general inclination in Europe for peace, and the exclusive and generous influence of the Emperor Alexander, swayed the negotiations concerning the treaty of Paris, and the restoration of the Bourbons. All the political transactions were signed by Hardenberg, from his having been the powerful hand which for two years had steadily directed public affairs; the King of Prussia conferred upon him the title of Prince; and he was invested with that high dignity when he accompanied the sovereigns to England.

The sight of the palace of St. James's must have awakened melancholy feelings in his mind; in his youth he had there experienced domestic sorrow, and been agitated by contending passions; for he had been the lover and husband of the Countess Randlaw, the most beautiful woman in Germany: she had been lost to him through the means of the Prince of Wales, and her seducer was now the Regent of the British islands. But they had both grown much older; and when twenty-five years have been passed in political agitations and tempests, the heart has been worn out by emotion, and but little room is left for recollections of enmity and vengeance. Prince Hardenberg was therefore presented to the Prince Regent, who received him with marked attention; and the past only recurred to their minds, like one of those views which scarcely leave a trace in the memory.

From London, Prince Hardenberg repaired to Vienna, to be present at the meeting of the great congress, and he had the honour of seeing the immense aggrandisement of Prussia sanctioned by successive treaties. She now became the kingdom most immediately in an offensive position, and was placed in the situation of an advanced post in the coalition against France. Those who have investigated the spirit of Europe in the remodelling which took place in 1815, can easily perceive that the whole system of politics was directed against our country, whose influence had caused the most dreadful agitations in all the world during the last thirty years. Prussia, which during the revolutionary war had almost invariably maintained a neutral position, now received such a territorial organisation, as to render it necessary she should henceforth be the first to engage in war. This long strip of land, which has one extremity on the Niemen, and the other on the Meuse, must necessarily strive to extend itself by means of conquest, and in this manner the neutrality was avoided, which had occasioned a degree of torpor in Europe during the revolution.