[73]. Earl Russell’s “Recollections and Suggestions, 1813–1873,” p. 476.
[74]. “No sooner had Napoleon learned that an English Cabinet Minister was to go to Vienna than he sent thither also his own Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, while Prince Gortschakoff, who had already been designated as Nesselrode’s successor, represented Russia at the Conference. The first two points—the cessation of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia and Wallachia, and the regulation of the navigation of the Danube in conformity with the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna—presented little difficulty. On the other hand, a lively word combat, and a not less lively interchange of despatches, arose over the third point, which demanded the revision of the Dardanelles Treaty of July 13, 1841, and the abrogation of Russian supremacy in the Black Sea. The words, ‘mettre fin à la prépondérance russe dans la Mer Noire,’ were of a very elastic nature, and capable of various interpretations. The Western Powers, mindful of Europe, demanded the neutralization of the Black Sea and a limitation of the number of Russian and Turkish war ships. Gortschakoff declared that Sebastopol was not yet taken, and probably never would be taken, and that Russia must reject any attempt to limit her naval forces as a humiliation unworthy of a Great Power. Austria then proposed a compromise that Russia should pledge herself to maintain the status quo of 1853; and that each of the Western Powers should be entitled to station two frigates in the Black Sea, in order to see that Russia did not increase her fleet. At the same time Austria promised to consider it as a casus belli if Russia kept there a single ship of war more than in 1853. M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who, in the interest of exhausted France, was anxious to bring the war to an end, accepted this proposed compromise, and induced Lord John Russell to do likewise. Both were disavowed. Drouyn de Lhuys sent in his resignation, and was succeeded at the Ministry on the Quai d’Orsay by Walewski; but Lord John Russell, scorned alike by his friends and foes, returned to London, and, in spite of all, remained Minister for the present” (Count Vitzthum’s, “St. Petersburg and London.”)
[75]. In 1876 (September) Mr. Gladstone published his pamphlet entitled “Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East.” It passed through almost countless editions and created a great sensation.
[76]. “First, religious liberty, in the sense of religious equality, full and entire; second, the abolition of tax-farming; third, the exclusive application to Bosnia and Herzegovina of their own direct taxation; fourth, the appointment of an executory Commission to carry these reforms into effect, to be composed equally of Mahommedans and Christians; fifth, the amelioration of the condition of the rural population by some more satisfactory arrangement between the Christian Rajahs and the Mahommedan Agas, or landowners” (The Duke of Argyll’s “The Eastern Question,” vol. i. p. 161).
[77]. “Sir H. Elliot was directed to give a ‘general support’ to the Andrassy Note. It will be seen that in the mode of giving this ‘general support’ to the action of the European Powers, Her Majesty’s Government here contrived to reduce the value of it to the lowest possible amount, and expressly to negative the significance of it.... But more than this—it is distinctly implied that any such meaning, if it were entertained, would be a violation of the Ninth Article of the Treaty of Paris. The Turks were thus encouraged to claim under that treaty a licence and immunity which it never was intended to afford. It is evident, therefore, that the British Cabinet only joined the other Powers, first, because it was impossible to deny the justice of the demand made on Turkey; secondly, because it would be inconvenient to stand alone against the united opinion of all the other Cabinets of Europe; thirdly, because Turkey herself saw some advantage in accepting the communication” (Ibid. vol. i. p. 166).
[78]. Lord Derby said that “the Note now proposed was sure to lead to farther diplomatic interference in the internal affairs of Turkey.”
[79]. “First, the provision of means sufficient to settle the refugees in their homes; second, the distribution of these means by a mixed Commission, with a Herzegovinian Christian as President; third, the concentration of Turkish troops into certain places; fourth, the retention of arms by the Christians; fifth, the Consuls or Delegates of the Powers to have a watch over the application of the promised reforms and repatriation of the people. The Memorandum farther proceeded thus in its closing paragraph: If, however, the armistice were to expire without the effort of the Powers being successful in attaining the ends they have in view, the three Imperial Courts are of opinion that it would become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement, with a view to such efficacious measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest of general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development” (The Duke of Argyll’s “The Eastern Question,” vol. i. p. 193).
[80]. “The objections of detail taken by the English Cabinet to the Berlin Memorandum were at once met by Prince Bismarck by the declaration that these points were entirely ‘open to discussion, that they might be modified according to circumstances, and that he, for one, would willingly entertain any improvement which Her Majesty’s Government might have to propose.’... France implored Her Majesty’s Government to reconsider its decision, and declared that persistence in it would, at such a momentous crisis, be nothing short of a ‘public calamity.’ She ‘could not conceal the apprehensions for the future to which this refusal have given rise.’ Italy did the same. The position was, that England objected to everything proposed by others, and had nothing to propose herself. Continued trust in the Turks was her only suggestion” (The Duke of Argyll’s “The Eastern Question,” vol. i. pp. 202, 203).
[81]. “At the first meeting of the Congress (June 13, 1878) Lord Beaconsfield made his concerted objection to the advanced position of the Russian troops at the gates of Constantinople. Count Schouvaloff replied that this advanced position had been taken up by the Russian army in consequence of the entry of the English fleet into the Bosphorus. Prince Bismarck, the President of the Congress, expressed himself satisfied with the Russian reply” (The Duke of Argyll’s “The Eastern Question,” vol. ii. p. 144).
[82]. “Truth about Russia,” p. 282.