The people, realising that war was inevitable days before the Governments gave up hope of peace, acclaimed it with enthusiasm. Next to the Jews, the Germans, or Nemetz, as they are called, are the most hated foreigners in Russia. They are found in nearly every town and village, and their national habit of growing prosperous at the expense of their hosts has earned for them an honest hatred. The average Russian was only too pleased at the prospect of getting a chance of paying off a few old scores. In addition to personal dislike, the racial aspect of the war was also a very strong consideration with the Russian democracy. Pan-Slavism is a very real doctrine amongst the mujhiks, who have an unlimited faith in the heaven-sent destinies of their race. There is hardly a soldier in all Russia’s immense army that does not regard the freeing of all sorts and conditions of Slavs as his most sacred duty.
And there was the religious question to add to the nation’s enthusiasm. Russia is the most religious nation in Europe. Every home, no matter how humble, has its ikon. The festivals of the Church are real holy days, and not mere secular holidays. The Church itself is indeed the mother of the people. The simple, unquestioning faith of the mujhiks is without a parallel in Europe, except perhaps in the remote districts of Ireland. Religion is a reality with them; it enters into every action of their daily life. In the towns, of course, much of this faith has been lost, and there is a parade of unbelief which is apt to lead the casual observer to wrong conclusions. The real Russia is not to be found in the towns, but in the villages and hamlets and amongst the peasants. With them the war is a religious war. It is a battle between the Orthodox Church, which is the peculiar property of the Slavs, and the Western, which seeks to impose its tenets on the “true believers.”
It is from these simple peasants with their racial hatreds and rock-like faith that Russia draws nine-tenths of her soldiers. As fighting men they can be compared only with Cromwell’s Ironsides.
In the rural districts the popular enthusiasm for the war found an outlet in religion; in the towns it sought a more secular form of expression. Petrograd was the scene of unprecedented outbursts of popular jubilation. Crowds paraded the streets singing the National Anthem and cheering portraits of the Tzar. The French and particularly the British Embassies were besieged by cheering throngs. Every public appearance of the Tzar was the sign for vociferous outbursts of loyalty such as are rarely witnessed in Russia. Even the Empress, whose shattered nerves have kept her virtually a prisoner for years, had to come forward and bow her acknowledgments to the crowds. And, to crown all, the police, gendarmes and military were noticeably absent from the streets. The crowds were orderly, in spite of their patriotic fervour. Petrograd was as free and unrestrained as London. It was difficult to realise that only a few days before the spectre of revolution had stalked through the city.
One incident alone marred the demonstrations. On August 4th, news reached Petrograd of the scandalous treatment undergone by the Russian diplomatic staff at the hands of the Berlin mob. Enraged beyond control a huge crowd descended on the Nevski Prospect and after demolishing a German café and several German-owned shops, made a resolute attack on the Embassy. The police were overpowered, the gates forced and the work of destruction began. The flagstaff was torn down, the Prussian Eagle and several pieces of statuary were unceremoniously thrown into the Moika Canal; furniture, pictures, linen, books, everything that was inflammable was heaped on the ground and soon a huge bonfire was raging. Amidst a roar of cheering a large portrait of the Kaiser was hurled into the flames. The orgy continued until the police and military appeared in force. But the most significant feature of the affair was the discovery in the cellars of large stores of firearms and revolutionary propaganda—concrete evidence that the suspicions that Germany was fostering internal troubles in Russia to serve her own ends were only too well founded.
The most impressive of all the many scenes emphasising the facts that not only the Russian nation but all Slavdom is united against the Teuton menace, and that a new Russia is being built up as a result of the common cause and danger, occurred on Saturday, August 8th, when the Tzar received the two Houses of the Duma at the Winter Palace. Early in the proceedings, striking evidence was given of the new order of things. Party quarrels, personal jealousies and political enmities were forgotten. The leader of every party came forward and announced that he and his followers would support the Government by every means in their power. Even M. Purishkivich, the implacable leader of the Anti-Semite movement, abandoned his principles and praised his Jewish fellow-subjects.
The Tzar’s speech was simple and direct, but it was significant because of the stress it laid upon the racial and religious aspects of the war:
“In these great days of alarms and anxiety through which Russia is passing, I greet you. Germany, following Austria, has declared war on Russia. The enormous enthusiasm and the patriotic sentiments of love and faith to the Throne, an enthusiasm which has swept like a hurricane through our country, is a guarantee for me, as for you, I hope, that great Russia will bring to a happy conclusion the war which the Almighty has sent.
“It is also in this unanimous enthusiasm of love and eagerness to make every sacrifice, even life, that I am able to regard the future with calm and firmness. It is not only the dignity and honour of our country that we are defending, but we are fighting for our brother Slavs, co-religionists, and blood brethren. In this moment I see also with joy that the union of the Slavs with Russia progresses strongly and indissolubly.
“I am persuaded that all and each of you will be in your place to assist me to support the test, and that all, beginning with myself, will do their duty. Great is the God of the Russian Fatherland.”
The effect of that ancient Russian saying was electrical. The whole assembly burst into a storm of cheering; this was followed by “God save the Tzar,” sung with a fervour which obviously affected his Majesty. Finally that most beautiful of all Russian anthems, “Lord, save the People,” was sung. Tears streamed down the cheeks of the deputies, as, with voices choking with emotion and faith, they sang the simple words of the anthem.
Such a scene of patriotic fervour and national determination had not been witnessed in Russia since the Napoleonic war of 1812.