The second visit to the Sultan took place on October 28, and was marked by the same heartiness as before. Prince Charles, on leaving the Palace, en route for a review specially ordered in his honour, passed through the Marble Gates, which are generally opened for the Sultan alone. The review took place in pouring rain on the heights of Pancaldi, where six battalions, two cavalry regiments, and four batteries were drawn up. Ali Pacha entertained the Prince at dinner the same evening, when Prince Charles proposed the health of the Sultan, and expressed the wishes he shared in common "with all Roumanians" for the welfare of the Sultan and of the Turkish Empire. In reply the Grand Vizier laid special stress upon the deep interest his Imperial Majesty took in the Prince and "the Moldo-Wallachian population." Ali Pacha subsequently offered the Prince a number of Turkish orders of the various classes, adding that the patents would be sent to him in blank every year, and might be granted as the Prince thought fit. This offer was, however, declined, and the permission of the Porte was obtained for the institution of a medal for the Roumanian Army. After taking leave of the Sultan on October 30, Prince Charles returned to Varna in the Imperial yacht Issedin, arriving in Bucharest on November 2.

The impending elections now claimed the attention of Prince Charles, who, in a letter to the President of the Ministry, declared that "not even the shadow of influence" must be brought to bear on the electors. The Government, however, misconstrued the expression of this wish as a concession to the Liberal Opposition. The result of the elections was a bitter disappointment to the Prince and his advisers: one-third of the new Chamber was composed of partisans of the ex-Prince Kusa and Separatists, a second of supporters of the Government, and the third of Liberals. Not one of these parties, therefore, could dispose of a decisive majority. The Chamber was opened on November 27 by Prince Charles in person, who adjured the Deputies to lay aside all jealousies and personal interests, and to aid him in reorganising the country by "accepting the wholesome principles of honesty, industry, and economy, which alone can raise the civilisation, wealth, and power of the nation."

The failure of the crops in conjunction with famine and cholera had added to the already heavy financial difficulties of the country. The paper currency was at 30 per cent. discount, whilst the pay of the Army and the officials remained in arrears. In spite of the applause with which the Prince's speech was received, the Government measures were obstructed at every turn by incessant intrigues in the Chamber.

The following most interesting letter from the Prince's father, bearing on the difficulties of Napoleon's position, was received on December 24, 1866:

"The position of France is at present most insecure. Napoleon's dynasty must struggle with four immense difficulties:

"(1) The bitter resentment of the nation at Prussia's success in war. The Clericals do not cease to add fuel to this smouldering fire, and it will not be their fault if the national hatred does not break out into open flames. The Emperor is the most sober and reasonable of all Frenchmen, but it is quite possible that he may allow himself to be dragged into a war with Prussia in order to preserve his dynasty.

"(2) The Roman question is one of equal importance. The withdrawal of the French force from Rome will either lead to the instantaneous downfall of the Papal State, which would cause an unbounded agitation by the very strong Ultramontane party in France against the Emperor, and entail the most serious consequences for him, or else the withdrawal of the troops will not lead to the fall of the Papal State—in which case a great bitterness would arise amongst all the Liberal circles of France, which see the chief obstacle to national progress in the effete government of the Pope.

"Under any circumstances, the solution of this question is dangerous for the Emperor, especially as the Empress will materially hinder the settlement of the situation by her Spanish temperament and bigoted inclinations, just as she will probably achieve her unnecessary pilgrimage to Rome in spite of the Ministry, calculating on the domestic weakness of the Emperor.

"(3) The Mexican affair is the first and most flagrant defeat of the French Government. It is no longer a secret that the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico is the result of an earnest, even menacing pressure from North America. If this pressure should be ignored in Paris, the weak French force in Mexico would be exposed to a Sicilian vesper. The troops must therefore retire, and with them probably all Frenchmen settled in Mexico.

"This is a terrible situation for the Emperor. He destroys his own creation, the throne of Maximilian, and so offers a most material point d'appui to the powerful Opposition in France. In other words, this is a personal defeat of the Empire, than which none greater can be conceived! Either a war or a disgraceful peace with North America must follow, against which a war with Germany, contrived in order to flatter the French and wipe out the bad impression, will be the only means of salvation and safety. Many millions of French money will be lost over this business, and the shaken and impoverished families will continue to fan the fire of discontent. The Opposition, which was opposed to the Mexican expedition from the beginning, will now be justified in the eyes of the nation, and the prestige of the Empire will be materially injured.

"(4) The bad condition of the French finances and a deficit increasing from year to year form another great danger. The French Court itself unfortunately does not set an example of wise economy, and is thereby morally responsible for the ever increasing immorality of the Administration....

"The Oriental question, though theoretically dangerous, does not at first appear to be a source of real danger. Russia, indeed, might make it so, but England, Austria, Italy, France, and Prussia have a too substantial interest in the status quo to exclude the hope that several years of peace will ensue so far as that is concerned....

"There can be no doubt now that Bismarck is not only the man of the hour, but that he is also indispensable. Prussia has become a power of the first rank, and from henceforth must be taken into consideration.

"The foreign policy of Prussia is firm, clear, decisive, and to the point. At home various elements of wavering and contradiction make their influence felt.

"The annexed territories might already have become more Prussian, were not the fear of democracy so great in Berlin.... The Chambers are willing, everything has been passed and sanctioned that the Government demanded—but unheard-of truths have been told, so much so that the feudal party has not quite the courage to glorify personal government beyond reasonable limits.

"The nation has obviously matured, politically speaking. Political extravagances have also decreased rather than increased in the army, owing to the consciousness of a gloriously ended war.

"In Southern Germany public opinion is still continually excited, especially in Württemberg; Bavaria sways like a reed. Prince Hohenlohe Schillingsfürst[10] may become President of the Ministry in place of Pfordten; his appointment would be a sign in favour of Prussia. Baden's attitude is the most correct; there they would prefer the supremacy of Prussia to that of Bavaria and Württemberg.

"A proof of the want of earnestness in the unity of Southern Germany is afforded by the fact that Bavaria is improving its Podewils rifle, Württemberg adopts the Swiss arm, Baden the Prussian needle gun, and the Grand Duchy of Hesse retains the Minié! And yet everybody is complaining of the want of unity amongst politicians and soldiers...."

In reply to a letter from Napoleon III. Prince Charles explained the chief difficulty of the situation thus:

"The Panslavonic party seeks to produce complications in the East by all possible means. They have already been able to influence Greece; the Cretans have rebelled, and, strong in the aid of nationalities which they cannot call upon in vain, claim the assistance of Europe. Agitators under Greek names are busy amongst the Christian populations and fan their latent courage.... Emissaries endeavour to incite the population of Moldavia, and even our Chamber of Deputies is prepared to create difficulties for us.

"If the interest and sympathy of the great Western Powers lead us to hope that the Eastern Question will be solved in our favour, we must confess that we are not yet ready to obtain advantage from the situation.... We must, therefore, expect everything from the support of our traditional protectors, and especially from the friendship of your Majesty. It appears to me, Sire, most desirable that France, England, and Prussia should from now come to an understanding on the matter of Eastern affairs. A close concert between these three Powers would be the surest guarantee of our national independence...."

Prince Charles received the following autograph letter from Queen Victoria on February 13, 1867, à propos of his recognition by the Sultan:

"My dear Cousin,

"I cannot possibly allow the formal answer to your letter to be despatched without adding at the same time a few lines to the brother of my dear and never-to-be-forgotten niece Stephanie and my dear nephew Leopold.

"I also desire to offer my sincere congratulations on the happy solution of the difficulties with the Sultan, as well as my warmest wishes for your future and lasting happiness and welfare.

"I shall always take the warmest interest in your success, and I do not doubt that you will continue faithful in the future to the principles of moderation and wisdom, which you have hitherto pursued.

"I remain always your sincere cousin,

"VICTORIA REG."

The condition of Crete and the consequent agitation in Greece formed the chief topic of a letter addressed to Prince Charles by the King of the Greeks. King George pointed out the difficulties caused by the patriotic excitement of his people, whose longing for war was so strong that they expected him to fight Turkey without money, troops, ships, or allies. He could not appear in the streets without being greeted with cries of "To Constantinople" from men and women of all classes. It was the special misfortune of his people that they thought every insurrection must bear golden fruit, because they themselves had always gained some end by revolution.