The Cretans formed three distinct Corps which were kept supplied with ammunition and recruits by Greek ships. This the Turkish fleet was powerless to prevent, as it had no coal, and was therefore forced to remain at anchor. The Greeks reckoned confidently upon an insurrection in Thessaly and Epirus, though, of course, they were well aware that Russia only fomented this movement in order that the Turkish efforts to suppress it might indirectly strengthen the Slav element by exciting sympathy in Eastern Europe. It was at this time that the Russian Government announced that it did not aim at the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, but only desired emancipation and humane treatment for the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and that it was awaiting a more favourable moment for the release from the onerous conditions of the 1856 Treaty and the re-acquisition of Bessarabia. The cession of Crete to Greece was, however, strongly advocated by the Russian diplomatists.
A ministerial crisis in Roumania was brought to an end on March 5 by the laconic motion: "The Chamber has no confidence in the Ministry!" which was passed by a majority of three votes. Eventually a new Ministry was formed under the presidency of Cretzulesku, a moderate Conservative, and was on the whole well received by the Chamber.
A Roumanian statesman sent on a confidential mission to Vienna by the Prince reported that the feeling of the Austrian Government was now far more friendly than formerly, and that the questions of extradition and commercial treaties, consular jurisdiction, and the appointment of an accredited agent in Vienna would find more favourable consideration with the Austrian statesmen.
A law was passed by the Chamber and promulgated in the official Moniteur conferring honorary citizenship on W. E. Gladstone, J. A. Roebuck, Jules Michelet, Edgar Quinet, St. Marc Girardin, J. E. Ubicini, and P. T. Bataillard, in recognition of their efforts on behalf of the Balkan States.
About this time Prince Charles Anthony wrote his son an interesting letter referring to the Luxemburg Question, which at that moment threatened to cause a war between Prussia and France. The Prince wrote as follows:
"Once more we are on the threshold of great events—it is possible that a continental war may soon break out again, and equally possible that we may enjoy a lasting peace. This much at least is certain, Napoleon's star is sinking and France is seething and fermenting."
A letter from Paris aptly described the views of the French Government on the subject of Roumania and Prince Charles.
"The Prince is very popular, much loved and highly esteemed personally, but his Government (that of Ghika) is unpopular, wanting in initiative, foresight, and firmness, so that its position is not solid. Reforms make no progress, Russian intrigues have ample play, because the indecision of the Government and its want of energy throw doubt on its stability. Only to-day a diplomat remarked to me that the Russian party is getting the upper hand, that Russophile officers, such as a certain Solomon and others, have regained their influence and position, and that those who helped to elect the Prince are discouraged at seeing Russia, the eternal enemy of the country, in the ascendant."
After alluding to the project of a Russian marriage, the letter continued:
"The Prince will soon be convinced that Russian ambition will not give way to sentiment or family ties. It marches straight to its goal in spite of opposition, and yields to nothing but superior force."