Tuesday, January 17th.—We were joined at dinner by the Saxon, Count Nostitz-Wallwitz, who, it is understood, is to take up an administrative appointment here, and a Herr Winter, or von Winter, who is to be Prefect at Chartres. On some one referring to the future military operations, the Chief observed: “I think that when, with God’s help, we have taken Paris, we shall not occupy it with our troops. That work may be left to the National Guard in the city. Also a French commandant. We shall occupy merely the forts and walls. Everybody will be permitted to enter, but nobody to leave. It will, therefore, be a great prison until they consent to make peace.”
The Minister then spoke to Nostitz about the French Conseils Généraux, and said we should try to come to an understanding with them. They would form a good field here for further political operations. “So far as the military side of the affair is concerned,” he continued, “I am in favour of greater concentration. We should not go beyond a certain line, but deal with that portion thoroughly, making the administration effectual, and in particular collect the taxes. The military authorities are always for advancing. They have a centrifugal plan of operations and I a centripetal. It is a question whether we ought to hold Orleans, and even whether it would not be better to retire also from Rouen and Amiens. In the south-east—I do not know why—they want to go as far as Dijon. And if we cannot supply garrisons for every place within our sphere of occupation, we should from time to time send a flying column wherever they show themselves recalcitrant, and shoot, hang and burn. When that has been done a couple of times they will learn sense.” Winter was of opinion that the mere appearance of a detachment of troops entrusted with the task of restoring order, would be sufficient in such districts. The Chief: “I am not so sure. A little hanging would certainly have a better effect, and a few shells thrown in and a couple of houses burned down. That reminds me of the Bavarian who said to a Prussian officer of artillery: ‘What do you think, comrade; shall we set that little village on fire, or only knock it about a little?’ but they decided after all to set it on fire.”
I do not now remember how it was that the Chief came to speak again of his letter he wrote yesterday to Favre. “I have given him clearly to understand that it would not do, and that I could not believe that he who had taken part in the affair of the 4th of September would fail to await the issue. I wrote the letter in French, first because I do not regard the correspondence as official but rather as private, and then in order that every one may be able to read it in the French lines until it reaches him.” Nostitz asked how diplomatic correspondence in general was now conducted. The Chief: “In German. Formerly it was in French. But I have introduced German—only, however, with Cabinets whose language is understood in our own Foreign Office. England, Italy and also Spain—even Spanish can be read in case of need. Not with Russia, as I am the only one in the Foreign Office who understands Russian. Also not with Holland, Denmark and Sweden—people do not learn those languages as a rule. They write in French and we reply in the same language.” “At Ferrières I spoke to Thiers” (he meant Favre) “in French. But I told him that was only because I was not treating with him officially. He laughed, whereupon I said to him: ‘You will see that we shall talk plain German to you in the negotiations for peace.’”
At tea we hear from Holstein that the bombardment on the south side has been stopped, Blumenthal, who was always against it, having got his way. It is hoped, however, that the Crown Prince of Saxony will proceed vigorously with the bombardment on the north side. One would like to tell this to our own Crown Prince, and to ask him what would be said when it was known that the Saxons had forced Paris to capitulate? “Unless you are quite certain of that,” said Wagener, “and have it on absolutely trustworthy authority, do not let the Chief hear of it. I should not like to guarantee that in that case he would not be off to-morrow. He is a volcano whose action is incalculable, and he does not stand jokes in such matters.” Holstein, however, appears to have been misinformed. At least Count Dönhoff, who came in afterwards, declared that our siege guns in the south were also at work, but that owing to the south-west wind we did not hear the firing, and, moreover, it was not so heavy as during the preceding days. Fire would probably be opened to-morrow from St. Denis upon the city, a pleasant surprise for the inhabitants of the northern quarters.
Wednesday, January 18th.—In the morning read despatches and newspapers. Wollmann tells me that an order has been issued promoting our Chief to the rank of Lieutenant-General. When Wollmann took the order up to him and congratulated him, the Chancellor threw it angrily on the bed and said: “What is the good of that to me?” (“Wat ik mich davor koofe?”—low German dialect.) Doubtless imagination, but it appears to be correct that the Minister is to-day in very bad humour and exceptionally irritable.
The festival of the Orders and the Proclamation of the German Empire and Emperor took place in the great hall of the palace between 12 and 1.30 P.M. It was held with much military pomp and ceremony, and is said to have been a very magnificent and imposing spectacle. In the meantime I took a long walk with Wollmann.
The Chief did not dine with us, as he was bidden to the Emperor’s table. On his return I was called to him twice to receive instructions. His voice was an unusually weak voice, and looked very tired and worn out.
The Chief has received a communication from a number of diplomats who have remained behind in Paris. Kern, the Swiss Minister, who is their spokesman, requests the Chancellor to use his influence in order to obtain permission for the persons committed to their protection to leave the city. At the same time our right to bombard Paris is questioned, and it is insinuated that we intentionally fire at buildings that ought to be respected. The reply is to point out that we have already repeatedly, through their diplomatic representatives, called the attention of the citizens of neutral states living in Paris to the consequences of the city’s prolonged resistance. This was done as early as the end of September, and again several times in October. Furthermore, we have for months past allowed every citizen of a neutral State, who was able to give evidence of his nationality, to pass through our lines without any difficulty. At the present time, for military reasons, we can only extend that permission to members of the Corps Diplomatique. It is not our fault if subjects of neutral states have not hitherto availed themselves of the permission to seek a place of safety for their persons and their property. Either they have not wished to leave, or they have not been allowed to do so by those who at present hold power in Paris. We are fully justified by international law in bombarding Paris, as it is a fortress, the principal fortress of France—an entrenched camp which serves the enemy as a base of offensive and defensive action against our armies. Our generals cannot, therefore, be expected to refrain from attacking it, or to handle it with velvet gloves. Furthermore, the object of the bombardment is not to destroy the city, but to capture the fortress. If our fire renders residence in Paris uncomfortable and dangerous, those who recognise that fact ought not to have gone to live in a fortified town, or should not have remained there. They may, therefore, address their complaints not to us, but to those who transformed Paris into a fortress, and who now use its fortifications as an instrument of war against us. Finally, our artillery does not intentionally fire at private houses and benevolent institutions, such as hospitals, &c. That should be understood as a matter of course from the care with which we have observed the provisions of the Geneva Convention. Such accidents as do occur are due to the great distance at which we are firing. It cannot, however, be tolerated that Paris, which has been and still is the chief centre of military resistance, should bring forward these cases as an argument for forbidding the vigorous bombardment which is intended to render the city untenable. Wrote articles to the above effect.
Thursday, January 19th.—Dull weather. The post has not been delivered, and it is ascertained on inquiry that the railway line has been destroyed at a place called Vitry la Ville, near Châlons. From 10 A.M. we hear a rather vigorous cannonade, in which field guns ultimately join. I write two articles on the sentimental report of the Journal des Débats, according to which our shells only strike ambulances, mothers with their daughters, and babies in swaddling clothes. What evil-minded shells!
Keudell tells us at lunch that to-day’s cannonade was directed against a great sortie with twenty-four battalions and numerous guns in the direction of La Celle and Saint Cloud. In my room after lunch Wollmann treats me to a number of anecdotes of doubtful authenticity. According to him the Chief yesterday remarked to the King, when his Majesty changed the Minister’s title to that of Chancellor of the Empire, that this new title brought him into bad company. To which the King replied that the bad company would be transformed into good company on his joining it. (From whom can Wollmann have heard that?) My gossip also informs me that the King made a slip of the tongue yesterday at the palace, when in announcing his assumption of the title of Emperor he added the words “by the Grace of God.” This requires to be confirmed by some more trustworthy authority. Another story of Wollmann’s seems more probable, namely, that the Minister sends in a written request to the King, almost every day, to be supplied with the reports of the General Staff respecting the English coal ships sunk by our people near Rouen. He used in the same way to telegraph day after day to Eulenburg who has always been very dilatory: “What about Villiers?” And before that in Berlin he had a request addressed to Eulenburg at least once every week: Would he kindly have the draft of the district regulations sent forward as early as possible?