Bismarck

by Moritz Busch

With regard to an article in the Cologne Volkszeitung showing that the Ultramontanes have offered a subsidy to the leaders of the General Association of German Workers on condition that they promote the election of clerical candidates, the Minister says: “Look here. Please see that the newspapers speak of a ‘Savigny-Bebel party’ whenever an opportunity occurs, and that must be repeated.” And just as I am going out of the room he calls after me: “Or the ‘Liebknecht-Savigny party.’” We take note of that, and shall speak from time to time of this new party.

Sunday, February 5th.—We are joined at dinner by Favre, d’Hérisson, and the Director of the Western Railway, a man with a broad, comfortable, smiling face, apparently about thirty-six years of age. Favre, who sits next to the Chief, looks anxious, worried and depressed. His head hangs on one side, and sometimes for a change sinks on to his breast, his underlip following suit. When he is not eating, he lays his two hands on the table-cloth, one on top of the other, in submission to the decrees of fate, or he crosses his arms in the style of Napoleon the First, a sign that, on closer consideration, he still feels confident in himself. During dinner the Chief speaks only French, and mostly in a low voice, and I am too tired to follow the conversation.

The Chief instructs me to send the following short paragraph to one of our newspapers: The Kölnische Zeitung has made itself the organ, it is true with some reservations, of those who complain of the alleged destruction of French forests by our officials. One would think it could have found some other occupation than to scrutinise our administration of the public forests of France. We act in accordance with the principles of forestry, even if we do not follow the French system. Moreover, we should be within our rights if we exploited these resources of the enemy in the most ruthless manner, as that would render the French more disposed to conclude peace.

He also warmly praised the active part taken by the Duke of Meiningen in the conduct of the war. He concluded: “I wish that to be mentioned in the press. The background is ready to hand in the princely loafing and palace looting of the rest of them.”

Monday, February 6th.—The Chief desires to have an article against Gambetta published in the Moniteur. I write the following:—

“The Convention of the 28th of January, concluded between Count von Bismarck and M. Jules Favre, has revived the hopes of all sincere friends of peace. Since the events of the 4th of September the military honour of Germany has received sufficient satisfaction, so that it may now yield to the desire to enter into negotiations with a Government which truly represents the French nation for a peace that will guarantee the fruits of victory and secure our future. When the Governments represented at Versailles and Paris finally succeeded in coming to an understanding, of which the conditions were prescribed by the force of circumstances, and France was restored to herself, they were justified in expecting that these preliminaries of a new era in the relations of the two countries would be generally respected. The decree issued by M. Gambetta disqualifying all former functionaries and dignitaries, senators, and official candidates from election to the National Assembly was perhaps necessary to show France the abyss towards which it has been gravitating since the dictatorship, sacrificing the best blood of the country, refused to convoke the representatives of the nation in the regular way.

“The second article of the Convention of the 28th of January shows clearly and plainly that the freedom of the elections is one of the conditions of the Convention itself. In entering into such an arrangement for the elections, Germany only took into consideration the existing French laws, and not the good will and pleasure of this or that popular Tribune. It would be just as easy to call together a Rump Parliament in Bordeaux, and make it a tool for the subjection of the other half of France. We are convinced that all honourable and sincere French patriots will protest against the action of the Delegation at Bordeaux, which is entirely arbitrary and opposed to all sound reason. If there were any prospect that this action would be allowed to unite all the anarchical parties who tolerate the dictatorship in so far as it represents their favourite ideas, the most serious complications would inevitably ensue.

“Germany does not intend to interfere in any way in the domestic affairs of France. She has, however, through the agreement of the 28th of January, secured the right to see that a public authority is established which will possess the attributes necessary to enable it to negotiate peace in the name of France. If Germany is denied the right to negotiate for peace with the whole nation, if an attempt is made to substitute the representatives of a faction for the representatives of the nation, the armistice convention would thereby become null and void. We readily acknowledge that the Government of National Defence has immediately recognised the justice of the complaints made by Count von Bismarck in his despatch of the 3rd of February. That Government has addressed itself to the French nation in language marked by nobility and elevation of feeling, setting forth the difficulties of the situation and the efforts made to relieve the country from the last consequences of an unfortunate campaign. At the same time, it has cancelled the decree of the Delegation at Bordeaux. Let us hope, therefore, that the action of M. Gambetta will receive no support in the country, and that it will be possible to conduct the elections in perfect harmony with the spirit and letter of the Convention of the 28th of January.”

I am called to the Minister again at 11 o’clock, and instructed to defend Favre against the rabid attacks of some French newspapers. The Chief says: “They actually take him to task for having dined with me. I had much trouble in getting him to do so. But it is unfair to expect that, after working with me for eight or ten hours, he should either starve as a staunch Republican, or go out to a hotel where the people would run after him and stare at him.”

The Frenchmen are again here between 2 and 4 P.M. They are six or seven in number, including Favre and, if I rightly heard the name, General Leflô. The Chief’s eldest son and Count Dönhoff join us at dinner.