When Bölsing brought in the despatch from Bernstorff, stating that Lord Granville requested an early reply from the Chancellor of the Confederation to Favre’s inquiry, the Minister simply remarked, “There is no hurry to answer this rubbish.”
After 10 P.M. the Chief joined us at tea.
The conversation ultimately turned on the politics of recent years. The Chancellor said: “What I am proudest of, however, is our success in the Schleswig-Holstein affair, in which the diplomatic intrigues would furnish matter for a play. In the first place, Austria could not well have sided with the Augustenburger in presence of her previous attitude as recorded in the proceedings of the Germanic Diet, for which she was bound to show some regard. Then she wanted to find some tolerable way out of the embarrassment in which she had involved herself with the Congress of Princes at Frankfurt. Immediately after the death of the King of Denmark I explained what I wanted in a long speech at a sitting of the Council of State. The official who drew up the minutes of the sitting omitted the most important part of my speech; he must have thought that I had lunched too well, and would be glad if he left it out. But I took care that it was again inserted. It was difficult, however, to carry my idea into execution. Everything was against it—Austria, the English, the small States—both Liberal and anti-Liberal, the Opposition in the Diet, influential personages at Court, and the majority of the Press.
“Yes, at that time there was some hard fighting, the hardest being with the Court, and it demanded stronger nerves than mine. It was about the same at Baden-Baden before the Congress at Frankfurt, when the King of Saxony was in Baden, and wanted our King to go to that Assembly. It was literally in the sweat of my brow that I prevented him from doing so.” I asked the Chief, after some further remarks, if the King had really wished to join the other Princes. “He certainly did,” replied the Minister, “and I only succeeded with the utmost difficulty in preventing him, literally hanging on to his coat-tails.” The Chief then continued to the following effect: “His Majesty said he could not well do otherwise when a King had come to him as a courier to bring the invitation. All the women were in favour of his going, the Dowager Queen, the reigning Queen, and the Grand Duchess of Baden. I declared to the Dowager that I would not remain Minister nor return to Berlin if the King allowed himself to be persuaded. She said she was very sorry, but if I seriously meant that, she must surrender her own view and use her influence with the King in the other direction, although it was greatly opposed to her own convictions. The affair was, however, still made quite disagreeable enough for me. After the King of Saxony and Beust had been with him, his Majesty lay on the sofa and had an attack of hysterical weeping; and when at length I had succeeded in wringing from him the letter of refusal, I was myself so weak and exhausted that I could scarcely stand. Indeed, I actually reeled as I left the room, and was so nervous and unhinged that in closing the outer door I tore off the handle. The aide-de-camp asked me if I was unwell. I said, ‘No, I am all right again now.’ I told Beust, however, that I would have the regiment stationed at Rastatt brought over to guard the house, and to prevent anybody else having access to the King in order to put fresh pressure upon him.” Keudell also mentioned that the Minister had intended to get Beust arrested. It was getting late when the Chief had finished his narrative of those events, so he retired, saying: “Yes, gentlemen, a delicate nervous system has to endure a good deal. I shall therefore be off to bed. Good night.”
Monday, September 12th.—Engaged writing various paragraphs till noon.
According to some of the German papers the Chief had declared that in the battle of Sedan, Prussia’s allies fought best. What he said, however, was only that they co-operated in the best possible way. “The Belgians,” said the Minister, “display such hatred towards us and such warm attachment for the French, that perhaps after all something might be done to satisfy them. It might at any rate be well to suggest that arrangements even with the present French Government are not entirely out of the question, which would gratify Belgian yearnings towards France. Call attention,” added the Chief, “to the fact that the present animosity in Belgium is due chiefly to ultramontane agitation.”
The Bavarian Count Luxburg, who is staying with Kühlwetter, has distinguished himself by his talent and zeal. In future he is to take part in the consideration of all important questions.
A report has been received to the effect that America has offered her services as a mediator between ourselves and the new French Republic. This mediation will not be declined, and as a matter of fact would be preferred to that of any other State. It may be assumed that the authorities at Washington are not disposed to interfere with our necessary military operations, which would however probably be the consequence of such mediation. The Chief appears to have been for a considerable time past well disposed towards the Americans, and not long ago it was understood that he hoped to secure permission to fit out ships in the American harbours against the French navy. Doubtless there is no longer any probability of this being done.
To conclude from a communication which he has forwarded to Carlsruhe, the Minister regards the general situation as follows:—“Peace seems to be still very remote, as the Government in Paris does not promise to be permanent. When the proper moment for negotiations has arrived, the King will summon his allies to consider our demands. Our principal object is and remains to secure the South-Western German frontier against the danger of a French invasion, to which it has now been subjected for centuries. A neutral buffer State like Belgium or Switzerland would not serve our purpose, as it would unquestionably join France in case of a fresh outbreak of war. Metz and Strassburg, with an adequate portion of surrounding territory, must belong to all Germany, to serve as a protective barrier against the French. The partition of this territory between single States is inexpedient. The fact that this war has been waged in common cannot fail to have exercised a healthy influence in other respects on the cause of German unity; but nevertheless Prussia will, as a matter of course, after the war as before it, respect the views of the South, and avoid even the suspicion of any kind of pressure. In this matter a great deal will depend upon the personal disposition and determination of the King of Bavaria.”
Before dinner to-day Prince Luitpold of Bavaria had a long interview with the Chief. In the evening at tea the Minister, referring to this interview, said: “The Prince is certainly a good fellow, but I rather doubt whether he understood the historical and political statements which I made to him to-day.”