“When we complained of the hostility of the Ultramontanes we were thinking of those French priests who were convicted upon trustworthy evidence of having fired upon our soldiers. In repeating these charges we have other priests in mind who, a few days ago, under the pretext of bringing the last consolation to the dying, sneaked through our camp outside Paris as spies; and to the manifesto of the former ultramontane deputy, Keller, an Alsacian, published in the Union, which declares that the war against us is a ‘holy war,’ and that every shot fired at a German is an œuvre sainte. We imagine that after this explanation our Silesian contemporary will no longer doubt our respect for the Catholic Church, and will not itself desire to identify the Catholic cause with those who thus act and speak, and are guilty of such a gross abuse of the conception of ‘holiness.’”
On my submitting the article to the Chief he said: “You still write too bluntly for me. But you told me that you were capable of delicate irony. Here, however, there is much more irony than delicacy.” (I had only reproduced his own expressions, which, however, shall be avoided in future.) “Write it all in a different strain. You must write politically, and in politics the object is not to give offence.” The Chief then altered the article in part, the first paragraph assuming the following form: “We had not believed that at this time of day the use of the expressions ‘ultramontane’ and ‘ultramontanism’ could lead to any misunderstanding. We imagined that Catholics had as clear a conception of the meanings of those words as the members of other Christian communities, and that they would understand that no offence was intended to them in complaining of the attacks of the Ultramontanes. It was on this supposition that we dealt with the opposition of the party in question to the latest development of German affairs, and we are surprised to find that a Silesian newspaper, notorious for its violence of language, has inverted our meaning, substituting the Catholic Christian world for the coterie which we attacked.” The Minister struck out the adjective “zealous” before “opponents of Germany,” and also the following sentence beginning with the words “For the purpose of removing.” The concluding passage read as follows after the Minister had corrected it: “In complaining of the Ultramontanes we were thinking, as we expressly stated, of the party of the Münchener Volksboten and similar organs, whose slanderous jibes stir up the Germans against each other, and who encouraged the French to attack Germany and are partly responsible for the present war, inasmuch as they represented French victory to be easy and certain, and the German people to be disunited; we had in mind the priests of Upper Alsace and the French priests who instigated the country population to murderous attacks upon our troops in which they themselves took part; we had further in view those priests who sullied the cloth, sneaking into our camp as spies under pretence of bringing the last consolation to the dying, and who are at the present moment being tried by court-martial for this conduct; and we were also thinking of a manifesto published in the Union by the former ultramontane deputy, Keller, an Alsacian, in which the present war was represented as a crusade, and every shot fired at a German as an œuvre sainte. We imagine that the Silesian journal in question will hardly succeed in obtaining credence when it casts doubt upon our respect for the Catholic Church. It will not desire to identify the cause of Catholicism with that of men who have been guilty of such a wicked abuse of sacred things and of genuine faith.”
The Chief dined with the King to-day, but afterwards joined us at table, where he complained of the way in which the smaller potentates worried “their” Chancellor with all sorts of questions and counsels, “until Prince Charles noticed my appealing glance and saved me from their clutches.”
After dinner a gentleman who has come from Paris, supposed to be a Spanish diplomat, succeeded in obtaining an interview with the Chancellor, and remained with him for a long time. Like other gentlemen who have come from the city he will not be allowed to return. Some of us considered the visit rather suspicious.
Burnside came in while we were at tea. He wishes to leave here and go to Brussels, in order to find apartments for his wife, who is now at Geneva. He says that Sheridan has left for Switzerland and Italy. Apparently the Americans can do nothing further in the way of negotiations. The general wished to see the Chief again this evening. I dissuaded him, pointing out that although, owing to his great regard for the Americans, the Chancellor would receive him if he were announced, yet consideration ought to be paid to the heavy pressure upon his time. This was quite in accord with the Chief’s wishes, as on my being summoned to him at 10.30 P.M. he said: “As you know Burnside, please point out to him how much I am occupied, but in such a way that he will not think I have prompted you. He never quite finishes what he has got to say, but always keeps back something for another time. It is only fair that he should know how busy I am, and that I am a matter of fact man. I have a weakness for these Americans, and they know it, but they ought to have some consideration for me. Point that out to him, and say that I must make short work of it, even with crowned heads. Besides, I require six or seven hours daily for my work, and must therefore remain at it until late into the night.”
Thursday, October 13th.—Read and made use of a report from Rome giving the result of the plebiscite, which shows that there is no longer any Papal party there. It would appear as if the whole political organisation of the Papal State has fallen into dust, like a corpse that, after remaining unchanged for a thousand years in its leaden shell, has been suddenly exposed to the air. There is nothing left of it—not a memory nor even a void which it had filled. The voting, which had to be conducted according to the Italian Constitution, is a voluntary manifestation of opinions which either involve no sacrifice or a very slight one, except, of course, to the emigrants. So far as those opinions indicate an antipathy to the political régime of the Papacy, there can be no possibility of a reaction. On the other hand, whether the Romans will desire to be and to remain subjects of the King of Italy will depend, so far as the permanence of his rule is concerned, upon the manner in which they are governed.
I received this report from the Chancellor, with instructions to utilise it in the press. The statistical information, however, was all that was to be taken. “It would appear therefrom,” he added, “that there has been some trickery. But do not draw any moral against either the Pope or Italy.”
To judge by a letter from Saint Louis, dated the 13th of September, national sentiment amongst the Germans in America would seem to have been greatly stimulated by the success of the war, and to be now much stronger than their republican leanings. “A German who has lived here for twenty years, who was formerly your deadly foe, but whose ideal you now are,” thus enthusiastically addresses the Chancellor: “Forward, Bismarck! Hurrah for Germany! Hurrah for William the First, Emperor of Germany!” Bravo! But it appears that our Democrats must emigrate before they can be brought to entertain such feelings.
The conversation at dinner was not of particular interest to-day. While taking our coffee, the Chancellor again read us a portion of a letter from “Johanna” (his wife), which contained some very severe judgments upon the French, referring, amongst other things, to Paris as an “abominable Babel.”
Friday, October 14th.—Busy working for the post up to midday. Telegraphed afterwards to London and Brussels respecting the false assertions of Ducrot in the Liberté. Also reported that General Boyer, Bazaine’s first adjutant, had arrived at Versailles from Metz for the purpose of negotiating with us. The Chief, however, does not seem to wish to treat seriously with him, at least to-day. He said in the bureau: “What day of the month is it?” “The 14th, Excellency.” “Ah, that was Hochkirchen and Jena, days of disaster for Prussia. We must not begin any business to-day.” It may also be observed that to-day is a Friday.