At dinner the Chief, after thinking for a moment, said, smiling: “I have a lovely idea in connection with the conclusion of peace. It is to appoint an International Court for the trial of all those who have instigated the war, newspaper writers, deputies, senators, and ministers.” Abeken added that Thiers would also be indirectly involved, especially on account of his Chauvinistic History of the Consulate and Empire. “The Emperor also,” said the Chief. “He is not quite so innocent as he wants to make out. My idea was that each of the great Powers should appoint an equal number of judges, America, England, Russia and so forth, and that we should be the prosecutors. But the English and the Russians would of course not agree to it, so that the Court might after all be composed of the two nations who have suffered most from the war, that is to say, of Frenchmen and Germans.” The Minister also said: “I have read the article in the Indépendance Belge, which Grammont is believed to have written. He blames us for not having set Napoleon at liberty at Sedan, and he is not pleased at our marching on Paris, instead of merely occupying Alsace and Lorraine as a pledge. I thought at first it might have come from Beust or some other good friend in Austria, but I am now convinced that it must have been written by a Frenchman.” He gave his reasons for this opinion, and then continued: “His argument would be just if his assumption were correct, namely, that we really did not want Alsace, but only an indemnity. But as it is it will be better to have Paris as well as Alsace as pledges. When one wants something decent the pledge can never be of too great value.”
A reference was made to Boyer, who created a great sensation in the town, where the uniform of a French general has not been seen for a long time past, and who was greeted by the crowd with shouts of “Vive la France!” He declared, it is said, that the army in Metz remained faithful to the Emperor, and would have nothing to do with the republic of Parisian lawyers. The Chancellor also expressed himself to this effect, adding: “The General is one of those people who become suddenly lean when they grow excited. Unquestionably he is also a thorough scoundrel, but he can still blush.” In reading the following further remarks by the Minister, it must be remembered that Gambetta had already preached war à outrance, and that the Parisian press almost daily recommended some new infamy.
The Chancellor referred to various horrors that had again been committed recently by bands of guerillas. He quoted the proverb, Wie es in den Wald schallt, so schallt es wieder heraus, (The wood re-echoes what is shouted into it,) and said that to show any consideration to these treacherous franctireurs was a “culpable laziness in killing.” “It is treason to our country.” “Our people are very good marksmen, but bad executioners. Every village in which an act of treachery has been committed should be burnt to the ground, and all the male inhabitants hanged.”
Count Bismarck-Bohlen then related that the village of Hably, where a squadron of Silesian hussars was set upon by franctireurs with the knowledge of the inhabitants so that they only succeeded in bringing away eleven horses, was actually burnt to the ground. The Chief, as was only right and proper, commended this act of energy.
Bohlen further stated that sixty Bavarian infantrymen who were with the cavalry detachment had not kept proper watch, and that when the franctireurs poured in from all sides at 3 o’clock in the morning they took to their heels. The Chief said: “That fact should be published in order that we may take proper precautions later when we enter into a military convention with Bavaria.”
The Chancellor’s policy appears to be hampered by other influences. He said at table: “It is really a great nuisance that I must first discuss every plan I form with five or six persons, who as a rule know nothing about the matter. I must listen to their objections, and am forced to refute them politely. In this way I have been recently obliged to spend three whole days over an affair that I could otherwise have settled in three minutes. It is exactly as if I began to give my opinion on the position of a battery, and the officer—whose business I do not understand—were obliged to reply to my argument.”
The Chief afterwards related the following: “Moltke and Roon were with me yesterday, and I explained to them my ideas. Roon, who is accustomed to Parliamentary procedure, was silent and let me speak, and then agreed with what I said. ‘Molk,’ whose profile resembles more and more every day that of a bird of prey, also appeared to be listening. But when I had finished he came out with something utterly different, and I saw that he had not paid the least attention to my explanation, but had on the contrary been spinning out some ideas of his own which had nothing to do with the matter. ‘Molk’ is an exceedingly able man, and I am convinced that whatever he gave his attention to he would do well. But for years past he has devoted himself to one single subject, and he has come to have no head and no interest for anything else. It put me in a temper to find I had been talking to deaf ears, but I took my revenge. Instead of repeating my explanation I observed to Roon: ‘You have given me your opinion, therefore you have followed what I said. Will you now have the kindness to explain the matter once more?’”
Sunday, October 16th.—This morning I received another letter from Bamberger, who writes from Lausanne. He thinks Bismarck can do what he likes if he will only follow a sound German policy, that is to say, “if a United German State is now firmly established.” “In Germany people are convinced that this solution rests with the Chancellor of the Confederation, and all opposition offered to it is attributed by public opinion to the Minister. People say to themselves that if Count Bismarck did not secretly encourage that opposition it would not dare to manifest itself in such a great crisis.” Finally Bamberger asked whether he should come here. At his request I submitted a number of points in his letter to the Minister. The Chief said he would be very pleased to see Bamberger here, as his local knowledge of Paris would be very useful once we got in the city. “Then he can also on his return explain many things in his own circles which it would be difficult to write. It is strange, though, that they should think I do not desire to see Germany united. The cause is not progressing as it ought to do, owing to the constant tergiversation of Bavaria and Würtemberg, and because we do not know exactly what King Lewis thinks. For the same reasons, if this unity is at length secured, many things to which many people look forward will still be wanting.”
Monday, October 17th.—In the evening we were told to pack our boxes, and that the carriages were to take their place behind those of the King’s suite opposite the Prefecture, in case of an alarm in the night. A sortie has been expected since yesterday.
Tuesday, October 18th.—The Chief took lunch with us to-day, a thing which has seldom happened recently.