During dinner the subject of “William Tell” was introduced, I cannot now remember how, and the Minister confessed that, even as a boy, he could not endure that character; first, because he shot at his own son, and secondly, because he killed Gessler in a treacherous way. “It would have been more natural and noble to my mind if, instead of shooting at the boy, for after all the best archer might hit him instead of the apple, he had immediately shot down the Governor. That would have been legitimate wrath provoked by a cruel command. But the lurking and skulking is not to my taste. It is not the proper style for a hero, not even for franctireurs.”
Two copies of the Nouvelliste are pasted up daily in different parts of the town, and are read by the people, although, when a German passes by, the group engaged in perusing them greets him with such criticisms as, “Mensonges!” or “Impossible!” One of Stieber’s attendant spirits, or some other guardian of the truth, caught a working man to-day in the act of writing the word “Blague” on one of the copies posted up in the neighbourhood of the Prefecture. It is said that he is to be transported to Germany.
Wednesday, October 26th.—In the morning I translated Granville’s despatch for the King, and afterwards prepared an abstract of it for the press. The latter was accompanied by the remark that we had already twice offered the French an armistice on favourable terms, once through Favre, and again, on the 9th of October, through Burnside, but that they would not accept it because we desired it. Then telegraphed to London that Thiers is receiving a safe conduct to our headquarters and permission to proceed thence to Paris. Also that the Comte de Chambord had a meeting at Coppet with the Comte de Paris.
In the evening I wrote another article on the instructions of the Chief to the following effect. It is rumoured that Vienna diplomacy has again taken steps to induce the Germans to grant an armistice. We find it difficult to credit this report. The only advantage to the French of an armistice at the present moment would be to strengthen their resistance and to render it more difficult for us to enforce the conditions which we recognise as essential. Can that be the object Austria has in view in taking this measure? The following considerations are of an obvious nature. If the authorities in Vienna deprive us of the fruits of our victory, if we are prevented from securing that safe western frontier which we are striving to win, a new war with France is unavoidable, or rather the continuation of the one thus interrupted. It is quite clear where in such circumstances France would seek allies and probably find them. It is equally certain that in that case Germany would not wait until the recovery of France from her present chaotic condition, which would be promoted by a cessation of the war now in progress. Germany would be obliged to deal first with this future ally of France and to seek to render it powerless, and the latter standing alone would have to bear the cost of its own act in preventing us from attaining our present object. In other words, it might then happen that Austria would have to compensate us by the cession of Bohemia for the loss of Lorraine, which it once before alienated from the German Empire.
Friday, October 28th.—In the afternoon Moltke sent the Chief a telegram which reported that the capitulation of Metz was signed to-day at 12.45 P.M. The French army thus made prisoners number in all 173,000 men, including 16,000 sick and wounded. Bennigsen, Friedenthal, and Von Blankenburg, a friend of the Chancellor’s in his youth, joined us at dinner. From the French officers captured at Metz and their approaching transportation to Germany, the conversation turned upon General Ducrot and his disgraceful escape from Pont à Mousson. The Minister said: “He has written me a long letter explaining that there is no foundation for the charge of breach of faith we have brought against him, but he has not materially modified my view of the case.” The Chief then related that recently an “intermediary of Gambetta’s” had called upon him, and that towards the close of the conversation he asked whether we would recognise the Republic. “I replied,” continued the Chief, “certainly, without any doubt or hesitation. Not only the Republic, but, if you like, a Gambetta dynasty; only it must secure us the advantages of a safe peace.” “Or for the matter of that any dynasty, whether it be a Bleichröder or a Rothschild one.”
The Nouvelliste is to be stopped, and to be replaced by a journal of larger size bearing the title, Moniteur Officiel de Seine et Oise, which will be published at the expense of the Government.
Saturday, October 29th.—At dinner our great success at Metz was discussed. “That exactly doubles the number of our prisoners,” said the Minister—“no, it does more. We now have in Germany the army which Napoleon had in the field at the time of the battles of Weissenburg, Wörth, and Saarbrücken, with the exception of those whom we killed. The troops which the French now have were afterwards brought from Algiers and Rome, and newly recruited, together with a few thousand men under Vinoy who made off before Sedan. We have also nearly all their generals.” The Chief then said Napoleon had requested that Marshals Bazaine, Lebœuf, and Canrobert, who had been taken at Metz, should be sent to him at Wilhelmshöhe. The Minister added: “That would make a whist party. I have no objection, and shall recommend the King to do so.” He then went on to say that so many extraordinary events which no one could have imagined previously were now of daily occurrence that one might regard the most wonderful as being within the range of possibility. “Amongst other things it might well happen that we should hold a German Reichstag in Versailles, while Napoleon might summon the Legislative Chamber and the Senate to Cassel to consider the terms of peace. Napoleon is convinced that the former representative body is still legally in existence, an opinion against which there is little to be said, and that he could summon it to meet wherever he liked—of course, however, only in France. Cassel would be a debatable question.” The Chief then said that he had invited the representatives of the parties “with whom it is possible to discuss matters”—Friedenthal, Bennigsen, and Blankenburg—to come here in order to ascertain their views respecting a session of our Parliament at Versailles. “I was obliged to omit the Progressist party, as they only desire what is not possible. They are like Russians, who eat cherries in winter and want oysters in summer. When a Russian goes into a shop he asks for Kaknje bud, that is to say, for what does not exist.”
After the first course Prince Albrecht, the father, came in and took a seat on the Chief’s right. The old gentleman, like a genuine Prussian Prince, always gallant and loyal to his duty, has pressed forward with his cavalry beyond Orleans. He tells us that the engagement in Châteaudun was “horrible.” He warmly praised the Duke of Meiningen, who had also shirked no danger or privation. On this the Chief remarked: “I have nothing to say against Princes who go with the army and as officers and leaders share the dangers and hardships of the soldiers. But I should prefer to see those who loaf around here at Pückler’s expense, and who are mere spectators of the man-hunt, anywhere rather than at headquarters. It is all the more unpleasant to me to have them here, as they storm me with questions and force wise counsels upon me respecting matters that are in course of development and which are now being worked out.”... “May I ask,” said the Prince (doubtless to get away from this subject), “how the Countess is?” “Oh, she is quite well,” replied the Chief, “now that our son is better. She still suffers from her ferocious hatred of the Gauls, all of whom she would wish to see shot and stabbed to death, down to the little babies—who after all cannot help having such abominable parents.”
CHAPTER XI
THIERS AND THE FIRST NEGOTIATIONS FOR AN ARMISTICE AT VERSAILLES