On the morning of the 30th of October, while taking a walk along the Avenue de Saint Cloud, I met Bennigsen, who was to start for home with Blankenburg in a few days. On my asking what progress had been made in Germany with the question of unity he said that the prospects were very good. The only point which the Bavarians still insisted upon was a certain degree of independence for their army. The feeling amongst the majority of the people was all that could be desired.
On my return to the house a little after 10 o’clock Engel told me that Thiers had arrived shortly before, but had left again almost immediately. He had come from Tours, and had only called to get a safe conduct through our lines, as he wished to go to Paris. Hatzfeldt had breakfasted with Thiers at the Hôtel des Reservoirs, and afterwards saw him into the carriage, in which, accompanied by Lieutenant von Winterfeldt, he was conducted to the French outposts. He told us at lunch that Thiers “still remained the same bright witty old gentleman, but was weak as a baby.” Hatzfeldt had been the first to recognise him on his calling at our place, and told him that the Chief was just getting up. He then showed him into the salon, and informed the Minister, who hastily finished his toilet and shortly afterwards came down. They were, however, only together alone for a few minutes, the Chief then instructing Hatzfeldt to make the necessary preparations for Thiers’ visit to Paris. The Minister afterwards told Hatzfeldt that Thiers said to him immediately after they had exchanged greetings, that he had not come to speak to him. “That strikes me as quite natural,” added Hatzfeldt, “as although Thiers would like to conclude peace with us (just because it would be Thiers’ peace, since he is terribly ambitious) he does not know what the people in Paris would say to it.”
In the meantime the Chief had ridden off with his cousin to the review of 9,000 Landwehr Guards which was being held this morning by the King. At lunch the Chief referred to the Landwehr, who had arrived that morning, and said they were tall, broad-shouldered fellows, who must have impressed the people of Versailles. “The front of one of their companies is at least five feet broader than that of a French company, particularly in the Pomeranian Landwehr.” The Minister then turned to Hatzfeldt, and said: “I hope you have not mentioned anything about Metz to Thiers.” “No, and he also said nothing about it, although there is no doubt that he knows.” “He certainly does, but I did not speak about it either.” Hatzfeldt then observed once more that Thiers was very charming in his manner, but had lost nothing of his old vanity and self-complacency. As evidence of this Hatzfeldt mentioned that Thiers had told him that a few days before he met a peasant whom he asked whether he desired to see peace concluded. “Certainly, very much.” “Whether he knew who he (Thiers) was?” “No,” the peasant replied, and appealed to a neighbour who had come on the scene, and who passed as the oldest inhabitant. This ancient was of opinion that M. Thiers must be a member of the Chamber. Hatzfeldt added, “It was obvious that Thiers was angry at not being better known.”
The Chief went out for a moment, and brought back a case containing a gold pen, which a jeweller of Pforzheim presented to him for the purpose of signing the Treaty of Peace.
At dinner the Chief again spoke at some length of the possibility of holding a Session of the German Reichstag at Versailles, while the French Legislative Chamber should at the same time meet at Cassel. Delbrück observed that the hall of the Diet at Cassel would not be large enough for such an assembly. “Well then,” said the Chief, “the Senate could meet somewhere else—in Marburg or Fritzlar, or some similar town.”
Monday, October 31st.—In the morning wrote some articles, one of which advocated the idea of an international court for the trial of those who had instigated this war against us. Also directed attention to the case of M. Hermieux, the commandant of a French battalion, who like Ducrot had broken his word by making his escape from hospital, and whose description was now published in the newspapers.
Gauthier called again at 12 o’clock, and had another long interview with the Chief.
Hatzfeldt announced at tea that on paying a visit early in the evening at the Hôtel des Reservoirs he learned by accident that M. Thiers had returned, and he had afterwards spoken to him. Thiers informed him that on the day before he had been engaged from 10 o’clock at night until 3 in the morning in negotiating with the members of the Provisional Government; he rose again at 6 A.M. and from that time until 2 in the afternoon received visitors of all descriptions, after which he drove back here. He wishes to have a conference with the Chancellor to-morrow. “He began to speak of disturbances having taken place yesterday in Paris,” continued Hatzfeldt, “but on an exclamation of surprise escaping me he immediately changed the subject.”
In the evening I was instructed to see that the decree addressed to Vogel von Falkenstein and published in the Staatsanzeiger of the 27th instant, was reproduced by our other papers. It was to be accompanied by a collection of newspaper reports respecting the ill-treatment of German prisoners by the French. I then began a second article against Beust’s intervention in our quarrel with the French, based on the suggestions of the Chief, who said it was to be “very sharply worded.” This however was not sent off, as the situation altered in the meantime. I reproduce the article here as being characteristic of the position of affairs at the moment. It ran as follows:—
“If in a struggle between two Powers, one of whom proves obviously weaker and is at length on the point of being defeated, a third Power, which has hitherto been neutral, urges an armistice, its motive must certainly be regarded less as a benevolent desire for the welfare of both parties than as anxiety for the weaker State and as evident partisanship in favour of the same. It is, in fact, an armistice in favour of the Power that is on the point of being defeated, and to the disadvantage of that which has won the upper hand. If this third Power furthermore endeavours to induce other neutral States to take similar action, thus strengthening and giving more weight to its own proposal, then it is clearly departing still further from a neutral attitude. Its one-sided warnings are transformed into partisan pressure, its proceedings become intrigues, and its whole action presents an appearance of threatened violence.