“This is the case with Austria-Hungary if it be true, as the Vienna official organs boast, that it has taken the initiative in an attempt of the neutral Powers to negotiate an armistice between defeated France and victorious Germany. The conduct of Count Beust becomes more clearly offensive when it is known that it was suggested by M. Chaudordy, Favre’s representative at Tours, and originated in a previous understanding between the Vienna Cabinet and the Delegation of the Provisional Government in that city. The true character of this action on the part of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy as a hostile interference in our settlement with France becomes more manifest from the manner in which its representative in Berlin supports the English suggestions. The British Foreign Office adopts a tone of perfect impartiality, and of benevolence towards Germany; the Italians do the same, while the Russian representative has kept entirely aloof from all intervention. All three Powers have done their utmost at Tours to promote an unprejudiced and reasonable view of the situation on the part of the French. On the other hand, the despatches read by Herr von Wimpffen in Berlin (we do not know what Austria-Hungary has advised at Tours) speak in a tone which is anything but friendly. They emphasise the statement that Vienna still believes in general European interests. The authorities there fear that history would condemn the neutral Powers if the catastrophe which is threatening Paris were to occur without a voice being raised on their part to avert it. It is evidently intended as a severe and offensive censure when they say humanity demands that the conditions of peace should be made less onerous for the vanquished, but that Germany will not permit any voice to reach the ears of its defeated foe except that which proclaims the commands of the victor. The whole despatch is characterised throughout by a vein of irony which distinguishes it in a manner little to its advantage from that of the English Government.
“From all these circumstances it is as clear that the action of Count Beust is guided by hostile intentions towards us as that Lord Granville’s attitude is based on good will. We wonder if the Vienna Chancellor well considered the possible consequences of this new manœuvre. It is not probable after the fall of Metz that the attempt made by Austria to hinder Germany in the complete attainment of that peace which we have in view with the object of securing a safe Western frontier will be successful. But we shall remember that attempts to prejudice our interests and the good impression made in Germany by the previous neutrality of Austria-Hungary will be destroyed, and a friendly rapprochement with the dual monarchy, a basis for which was being laid, will be postponed—probably for a considerable time. But let us consider another possibility. Take it that through the intervention of Count Beust the demands which we make upon France are curtailed, and that we are actually obliged to renounce a portion of the old and new debts which we are on the point of collecting—does the Chancellor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire believe that we shall not remember at the first opportunity to make our ill-disposed neighbour on the South-East compensate us for what he helped to deprive us of in the West? Does he believe that we shall foolishly put off the day of reckoning with a neighbour who takes every opportunity of displaying his hostility, until his French protégé has recovered sufficiently to give him the support of a more valuable alliance in gratitude for the assistance given against Germany?”
Tuesday, November 1st.—At dinner Bohlen reported that the Coburger is doing his utmost to create a feeling of discontent—he says nothing happens, nothing is being done, no progress is being made. “What! He!” exclaimed the Chief, with an indescribable expression of contempt on his features. “He should be ashamed of himself. These Princes that follow the army like a flight of vultures! These carrion crows, who themselves do nothing whatever except inspect the battle-fields, &c.” Some one then spoke of the last engagement, and said that a portion of the 1200 prisoners that had been taken were franctireurs. “Prisoners!” broke in the Chief, who still seemed to be extremely angry. “Why do they continue to make prisoners? They should have shot down the whole 1200 one after the other.”
Mention was made of the decree of the Minister of War or of the Commandant of the Town, ordering that particulars should be published of all valuables found in houses deserted by their owners, and that if not reclaimed within a certain time they were to be confiscated for the benefit of the war chest. The Minister said that he considered this decree to be perfectly justified, adding: “As a matter of fact such houses should be burned to the ground, only that punishment would also fall in part on the sensible people who have remained behind; and so unfortunately it is out of the question.” The Chief then observed, after a pause, and apparently without any connection with what had been previously said: “After all, war is, properly speaking, the natural condition of humanity.” He remained silent for a while, and then remarked: “It just occurs to me that the Bavarian proposes to surprise me to-day,” by which he meant that Count Bray was about to visit him. This led the conversation to the Bavarian Ambassador in Berlin, Pergler von Perglas, of whom the Chief does not appear to have a high opinion. “He is as bad as he can be. I do not say that because he is a Particularist, as I do not know how I should think myself if I were a Bavarian. But he has always been in favour of the French.” (The Minister maintained, if I heard him rightly, that this was owing to his wife.) “I never tell him anything when he comes to me, or at least not the truth.”
Shortly afterwards the Chief told us that Thiers had been with him for about three hours to-day with the object of negotiating an armistice. Probably however it would not be possible to come to an understanding as to the conditions which he proposes or is prepared to grant. Once during the conversation Thiers wished to speak of the supply of provisions now in Paris; but the Minister interrupted him, saying, “Excuse me, but we know that better than you who have only been in the city for one day. Their store of provisions is sufficient to last until the end of January.” “What a look of surprise he gave me! My remark was only a feeler, and his astonishment showed that what I had said was not true.”
At dessert the Minister spoke of the large quantity he had eaten. “But then it is my only meal. It is true I take breakfast, but then it is merely a cup of tea without milk and two eggs,—and after that nothing till evening. Then I over-eat myself, like a boa-constrictor, and can’t sleep. Even as a child, and ever since that time, I have always gone to bed late, never before midnight. I usually fall asleep quickly, but wake soon again and find that it is not more than half-past 1 o’clock. All sorts of things then come into my head, particularly if I have been unfairly treated,—and that must be all thought out. I afterwards write letters, and even despatches, but of course without getting up—simply in my head. Formerly, for some time after my appointment as Minister, I used to get up and actually write them down. When I read them over next morning however they were worth nothing,—mere platitudes, confused trivial stuff such as might have appeared in the Vossische Zeitung, or might have been composed by his Serene Highness of Weimar. I do not want to, I should prefer to sleep. But the thinking and planning goes on. At the first glimmer of dawn I fall off again, and then sleep till 10 o’clock or even later.”
Wednesday, November 2nd.—On returning from a long walk at about 4.30 P.M. I heard that Thiers had remained with the Chief until a few minutes before, and looked rather pleased on taking his leave. During dinner the Minister observed, referring to his visitor of to-day: “He is a clever and amiable man, bright and witty, but with scarcely a trace of the diplomatist—too sentimental for that trade.” “He is unquestionably a finer nature than Favre. But he is no good as a negotiator (Unterhändler)—not even as a horsedealer (Pferdehändler).” “He is too easily bluffed, betrays his feelings, and allows himself to be pumped. Thus I have ascertained all sorts of things from him, amongst others that they have only full rations in Paris for three or four weeks.”
With respect to our attitude towards the approaching French elections, I called attention in the press to the following example, which may decide us to exclude Alsace-Lorraine from the voting, and to which we can refer those who allege such an exclusion to be unprecedented. An American informs us that in the last war between the United States and Mexico an armistice was agreed upon with the object of giving the Mexicans time to choose a new Government, which should conclude peace with the United States. The provinces, the cession of which was demanded by the United States, were not permitted to take part in this election. This is the sole precedent, but it entirely covers the present case.
Thursday, November 3rd.—A fine bright morning. Already at 7 A.M. the iron lions on Mont Valérien began to fill the surrounding wooded valleys with their roaring.
I make abstracts for the King of two articles that appeared in the Morning Post of the 28th and 29th of October, which are understood to have come from Persigny or Prince Napoleon. The assertion in these articles that in the negotiations with the delegate of the Empress our demand extended only to Strassburg, and a narrow strip of land in the Saar district, with about a quarter of a million inhabitants, is (the Chief tells me) based on a misunderstanding.