General Bartolomé Mitre might have been chosen again, but he refused to become a candidate. There was no lack of willing candidates, however, but it brought to the front one of the strongest men that Argentina has yet known, General Julio Roca. General Roca, like his predecessor, was a native of Tucuman. He had distinguished himself in campaigns against turbulent Indians, and also in command of troops in several revolutionary outbreaks. He had shown great skill and tact in organization. One of his campaigns had opened up the vast region of Patagonia to civilization. As a result of his victory, this land, which had hitherto been considered as a barren waste, was added to the national domain and given territorial government in order to avoid state jealousies. This caused General Roca to be called a national benefactor by his friends. Foreseeing that a call to arms would come sooner or later General Roca applied himself to strengthening the army, while his followers fought his political battles. For the first time the nationalists openly and strenuously advocated the confiscation of the city of Buenos Aires as the federal capital. To this Roca gave his adherence, and he became the candidate of the powerful Cordoba “League,” which was a political organization of unusual strength.
Each side now began to prepare for the impending conflict, although for months these strained relations continued. The Porteños were hampered by a lack of arms and ammunition. In June, 1880, an open rupture occurred in the capital between the presidential escort and a group of citizens. The incident was reported as an attempt upon the life of President Avellaneda. The President fled the city and joined the main body of federal troops a few miles out. General Roca commanded these troops, which numbered about eight thousand, and some gunboats. The city was unfortified, but the Porteños began to throw up entrenchments and had about fifteen thousand men under arms. These troops, however, lacked military training, while the government forces had seen service in several minor campaigns. Wrangling, vacillation and jealousy all weakened the power of the Porteños. Each side delayed the conflict which all felt to be inevitable. There were minor skirmishes, but it was not until July that a serious encounter took place, on the 20th of that month. Roca decided to make an attack and placed his forces accordingly. Several points of assault were arranged. The battle began very early on the morning of that date with picket skirmishing. The defence stubbornly resisted the advance and made a valorous fight. The losses on both sides were severe; especially was this true of the Porteños, who also began to be distressed because of lack of ammunition. They had no reserve stores on which to fall back. On the second day the fighting was renewed with odds in favour of the government. The national troops finally forced their way over the Barracas Bridge into the city. The total casualties had been not less than five thousand, with the greatest loss among the city’s defenders. Both sides rested for a day, the 22nd. An armistice was declared and negotiations opened. The national government, knowing the lack of ammunition, imposed onerous conditions. Participators in the revolt, however, were not to be punished, but should be denied official employment. When Congress met a few months later it ratified the election of General Roca as President. The city of Buenos Aires was proclaimed a federal district and the national capital. Thus the principal cause of friction between the provinces was forcibly removed. This was practically the last step in the process of consolidation which had been going on. This great city is now one of the strongest ties binding together the different provinces, as each one has a sense of joint ownership in and pride of their beautiful capital.
Centralization received a fresh impetus with the ascendency of President Roca. The provinces, however, got more than they had bargained for. They had succeeded in humiliating the province of Buenos Aires, but a strong central government was not one of their desires. Roca, hitherto an unknown political quantity, set himself to work to bring order out of chaos, and to develop a national spirit; to teach the people of all the provinces that first of all they were Argentinians. He surprised both his opponents and supporters; the first by his fairness, and the latter by the fact that they could not dictate to him. He did not act hastily but studied the situation. He had visited nearly every section of the country and knew the immense undeveloped resources of the country. To populate these lands and bring them under contribution to civilization was his great aim. Within a year his power was absolute, but he began no repressive measures. He never allowed militarism to become obnoxious. As a result Argentina entered upon an era of development and evolution that was simply marvellous. A reckless optimism ruled the country. Railway extension on a broader scale began; immigration agencies were opened up in Europe, government lands were sold at low rates. Public works were inaugurated, on a scale hitherto unprecedented, new docks were built in Buenos Aires and adequate drainage undertaken. European money lenders offered money for any enterprise. The petty jealousies were restrained and foreign capital encouraged. With all the skill and diplomacy of a shrewd ruler a discontented element still remained, those who were “out.” In Santa Fé and Entre Rios disturbances arose which were quickly quelled, and in Buenos Aires further trouble threatened. This latter was due to the national interference in elections. The vanity of the Porteños was somewhat appeased by the efforts they made to beautify La Plata, their new capital, which was intended to rival the older city in magnificence and importance.
When the question of a successor became necessary Roca declared he would maintain absolute neutrality. Such a thing was almost unheard of in South America, and the people placed little credence in it. Among the several candidates was his brother-in-law, Miguel Juarez Celman. This man stood before the country in the guise of the official candidate. If Roca did nothing to assist, he did nothing to hinder Celman’s selection. When the election arrived there was practically no contest, and Celman was chosen almost unanimously. At the election in March electors equal to twice the number of representatives in Congress are elected, who meet on June 12th and choose a president and vice-president.
Celman was an unfortunate choice. As governor of Cordoba he had shown no administrative ability, nor later in Congress. There was little to recommend him and he had been chosen by the Cordoba “Clique,” because of his pliancy. The almost four years of his administration are memorable for reckless private and public borrowing. Flattery and adulation turned the head of the new President. Many thought that Roca would be the power behind the throne, but events disproved that idea. With his head turned by the servility shown him, Celman soon chafed at any restraint. He broke loose from all control, and even Roca soon cooled. Political adventurers began to fill the offices and an era of carpet-bagging followed. Elections for senators and deputies were openly manipulated. Bribery and corruption were everywhere apparent. Concessions and monopolies were scattered broadcast. A healthy activity was followed by a mad rush of speculation. The provincial governments followed suit. The corruption of former days sunk into insignificance beside the orgy of this administration. Banks of issue were established throughout the republic, whose notes were guaranteed by national bonds. The paper circulation was almost quadrupled and the premium on gold rose. As the banks were obliged to purchase bonds of the government, this gave it a ready supply of money. Soon this was squandered and the national government found itself obligated for one hundred and ninety-six million dollars on these guarantees.
The conservative element looked on this extravagance with dismay, and rumblings of discontent were heard throughout the republic, although many did not seem to have any apprehensions until the final crash came. The public continued to speculate on the scrip issued. Meetings were held by these malcontents, but the discontented centres were too far apart. A central league was formed which was called the “Union Civica,” in which a number of notable names were included, men who were actuated by purely patriotic motives. This was in 1887, just a year after Celman’s inauguration. Meetings were held, and literature freely distributed calling upon the people to protect themselves against the dangers threatened by this administration. During the two years following its organization the Union Civica spread its propaganda extensively. The headquarters were maintained in Buenos Aires, but local clubs were formed in nearly every town and village throughout the country. Adhesion was publicly given to the tenets of the Union Civica in many provinces, for public feeling was greatly aroused.
In 1889 the beginning of the crisis came, and by the end of that year the organizers felt they could count on the moral support of the majority of the people. The government did not sleep during this time. Meetings were broken up, newspapers were censored and editors threatened. Terrorism, however, did not check the growth of the anti-administration feeling. The President’s action with the Mortgage Banks, which were practically forced to loan money on worthless securities to political favourites, was the last straw. Celman, although aware of the tremendous opposition, relied upon the strength of his army. The foreign colonies protested, and their influence was strong as they owned all the public utilities. Congress passed a resolution demanding his resignation. Force did not avail with public sentiment so aroused. An uprising was finally advocated as the only recourse, although hitherto the Union had acted within its constitutional rights. The army and navy were sounded and considerable encouragement was received. The date for the revolt was finally set for the 26th of July, 1890, and the Plaza Lavalle as the place. This plaza was barricaded and a force of fifteen hundred armed men occupied it. The government troops rendezvoused on the Plaza Libertad, a few hundred yards away. Sharpshooters were placed on the housetops to pick off the insurgents, but they were unable to dislodge them. Some vessels of the fleet attempted to bombard the government buildings, but their shells fell wide of their mark. Reinforcements of the government, as well as a shortage of ammunition, prevented the success of the revolutionary forces. An armistice was arranged and negotiations opened up for a settlement. The insurgents demanded forgiveness of themselves and the resignation of the President, and this was agreed to. His resignation caused scenes of the wildest excitement, and not until then was the real magnitude of the disaffection known. Public holidays were observed for three days. In no quarter was a good word to be said for the defeated President or his administration, and he disappeared from view almost as completely as if the earth had engulfed him. In Europe the keenest pleasure was shown, as the downfall of the President was looked upon as evidence that Argentina would thereafter insist upon honesty in the conduct of its public officials.
Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, the Vice-President, succeeded to the office of chief magistrate. The new President had already acquired a somewhat varied experience in public affairs. The name signifies his Italian descent, but his mother was an Englishwoman of distinguished family, and he had thus inherited some sturdy Anglo-Saxon qualities. He had many friends, but there were skeptics also, because he had not protested against Celman’s policy. No one doubted his ability. His first duty was to organize a cabinet that would conciliate the various factions, but that was no easy task. He succeeded in getting former-President Roca to accept the portfolio of Minister of the Interior, and the other appointments were then easily and successfully filled. The new cabinet was a fortunate combination of the diverse political elements. Every one seemed fairly well satisfied, except the Cordoba “Clique.”
An empty treasury and a legacy of debts of the Celman administration soon made trouble for the new President and his cabinet. Concessions which contained money guarantees had been scattered broadcast, and these obligations were being pressed. The Congress still contained the corrupt members who had been elected through the official influence of Celman. Things drifted from bad to worse, and the general inflation of public and commercial enterprises brought about an economic and financial crisis. The government had no funds with which to meet even the ordinary expenses, let alone the contractual obligations, and national bankruptcy was threatened. The resources had all been mortgaged. As a makeshift the President decided to issue inconvertible notes, and an issue of sixty millions was legalized. This gave temporary relief only and paved the way for greater complications in the future, as the currency rapidly depreciated. Foreign creditors became pressing. The government finally defaulted in its obligations. The Banco Nacional failed, and the resources of all the banks were taxed to the uttermost. Pellegrini, knowing that his tenure was only temporary, became discouraged, and no permanent solution was attempted by him. No human foresight could devise measures that would immediately bring prosperity, and the people were impatient. Dr. Pellegrini was obliged to wait until later years before his work was really appreciated. He served as national senator in after years, and passed away in 1906, mourned by the nation.