A large following began to hail General Bartolomé Mitre as the only saviour, and he finally, but with reluctance, consented to be a candidate. Another element wanted Roca, but neither of these men aspired to the presidency. The two held a conference and decided that neither would be a candidate, if a non-party candidate would be selected. Dr. Luis Saenz Peña, who had been a judge of the Supreme Court for many years, was chosen as this candidate, and was elected practically without opposition, and with the active support of Pellegrini, who imprisoned some of the opposition. Saenz Peña was sixty-eight years of age, and it was thought that his high character and broad experience of men and matters would be just the thing for the country. He had no part in the means taken to exile the opposition leaders and prevent a free election. In fact it is doubtful if he had any real desire for the position.

Thus it was that on the 12th of October, 1892, Dr. Saenz Peña took the oath of office as President, and Dr. Pellegrini retired almost unnoticed. This was the first instance where a President had assumed the office of executive without a party behind him. President Peña had no political following upon whom he could depend for support. His idea was to administer public affairs for the general good, without reference to political exigencies. Unforeseen obstacles soon arose, for the Senators and Deputies were opportunists and looking for personal advantage. The first cabinet resigned after a few stormy months. His thirty years’ service on the bench had unfitted him to grasp political exigencies. He refused to use his official prerogatives to influence Congress, although the latter constantly threw obstacles in his path. Disturbances in several provinces because of local conditions stirred up the feeling of revolt and a revolution was narrowly averted. The opposition endeavoured to make it a general uprising but did not succeed. Although Saenz Peña had allied himself with those opposed to Roca, that general took the field against the revolutionists in Rosario and Santa Fé and restored order, or at least a semblance of it. The President was determined to effect economies in national expenditures, but this was opposed by Congress. The scene of contest was transferred to Congress and the press. When Congress met in June, 1894, the relations between the two departments were strained very much. The President was too conscientious in his efforts to be free to initiate reforms to use his patronage in order to influence the legislators. Congress did nothing from month to month and neglected to pass the necessary appropriation bills. Taxes had been increased to pay the obligations of the government, so that the people were rebelling and war with Chile began to seem imminent. Congress refused to grant the request of the President for money and supplies. A ministerial crisis arose, and Dr. Peña found great difficulty in the formation of a new cabinet. The friction became more and more intense, until the President presented his resignation early in 1895, and the tension was relieved. He never again appeared in public life.

Dr. José Uriburu, who succeeded to the presidency, had been in diplomatic positions for many years. He was also unacquainted with political methods, for he had spent much of his life in foreign countries. Knowing that a repetition of the Peña failure would bring disaster to the nation former-Presidents Roca and Pellegrini decided to support Uriburu with all their resources. This assured the new President a working majority in Congress. Hardly had he assumed office before complications with Chile over the boundary threatened almost immediate war. Excitement became intense, and a large credit was voted by Congress for defence. The question was finally submitted to arbitration and war averted. President Cleveland also decided a dispute with Brazil over the limitations of Misiones adverse to Argentina, but this award was quietly accepted by the government. A default in the subsidy of the railways also caused trouble. The President asked for fifty millions of dollars in bonds to compound with the companies, and this was finally authorized. The support of Roca and Pellegrini during the three years and nine months of Uriburu’s term carried it safely through a trying period, and much was accomplished in restoring the finances to a better footing.

As the election of 1898 drew near public sentiment seemed to concentrate on former-President Roca as the man to steer the ship of state, and he was elected practically without opposition. His former administration had been successful; he was at the head of the only really national party in the republic; he seemed to have the qualities of a leader who could rally around him the discordant political elements into which Argentina was divided. In October, 1898, Dr. Roca assumed office again, just eighteen years after he had first been placed in control of Argentine affairs. During his second term the boundary question with Chile was settled by W. J. Buchanan, the United States minister, as arbitrator, although a rupture in the negotiations was narrowly averted on several occasions. President Roca cleverly avoided the rupture, although it was at times difficult because of the excited state of public opinion. He scathingly rebuked the administration of justice in one of his messages to Congress, and this led to reform and the dismissal of several judges. A meeting with President Errazuiz of Chile was arranged, and this took place at Punta Arenas. On the way the President visited several of the coast settlements in Patagonia. Hitherto these southern territories had been neglected, but this visit brought them prominently into notice. President Roca also visited President Campos Salles, of Brazil, and received a return visit from that official. No revolutionary disturbances arose during this second term, but several of the provinces experienced trouble, and in Buenos Aires the national government was obliged to take charge of the provincial administration because of financial irresponsibility. Many reforms in the finances of the country were accomplished. The value of the dollar rose to forty cents and the beginning of a gold reserve was made. Dr. Roca deserves great credit for the work of his administration, and he still lives to enjoy the confidence and good will of his fellow citizens.

At the meeting of the electoral college on the 12th of June, 1904, Dr. Manuel Quintana was chosen President. Several prominent men, including former-Presidents Pellegrini and Uriburu, were candidates to succeed President Roca, but a new man was selected. President Quintana came of a distinguished family, and was a native of Buenos Aires. By profession he was a lawyer, and had been the legal advisor of many corporations, including several of the railways, so that his election was eminently satisfactory to the foreign interests. When elected he was sixty-eight years of age and had been active in politics for many years, but his record had been clear. The administration of President Quintana was marked by a steady advance in the financial standing of Argentina. Peace reigned, and there was only one slight revolution in February, 1905. At that time revolts broke out simultaneously at Rosario, Bahia Blanca and Mendoza among some government troops, but this disturbance was soon quelled. The greatest damage was inflicted in the last named city, where the revolutionists turned their cannon on the Governor’s Palace and almost reduced it to ruins. Some encounters also took place in the streets of Buenos Aires. The revolution came to an abrupt end, however, after a few days, but not before a number had lost their lives. Several of the conspirators were sentenced to short terms in prison, while a larger number escaped across the border into Chile. This was a radical departure from the former custom of granting general amnesty to all who took part in revolutions against the government.

In 1906 President Quintana died and the office fell to Dr. José Figueroa Alcorta, who had been elected with him as Vice-President. President Figueroa was only forty-four years of age at the time of his inauguration and in the very prime of life. He was a native of Cordoba, and had been a National Senator from that state. He proved himself to be well fitted for the duties of that high office, and safely guided the destinies of the country without serious friction. He himself was a hard worker, and the executive could be found at work in his office early and late. He cared little for display or the social features of the position, and was a much more difficult man to meet than the average President of South America. This administration is too recent to generalize; but suffice it to say that both external and comparative internal peace reigned, and the development of the country and its resources steadily progressed.

In the campaign of 1910 there were two active candidates, Dr. Udaondo and Dr. Roque Saenz Peña, son of the former President of the same name. Many meetings were held by the followers of the former, the billboards were plastered with statements and appeals to the voters, but there was not at any time a question as to who had the “call.” The official party was well organized and the log-rolling was quietly conducted. When the electors met the vote was almost unanimous for Dr. Saenz Peña. The newly-elected President, who assumed office on the 12th of October, entered upon a political career early in life. His first office was deputy in the state legislature of Buenos Aires. Later he became Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Celman. Following the fall of that man, and the scandals which were unearthed, he retired from public life for several years. Since that time he has served in several diplomatic positions, and was a member of the Pan-American Conference held in Washington. At the time of his election he was minister Plenipotentiary to the governments of Italy and Switzerland. President Saenz Peña assumes his office with the good will of the foreign colony, and promises to give Argentina a peaceful and progressive administration. His term of office will not expire until 1916.


CHAPTER XVII
TRADE CONDITIONS IN SOUTH AMERICA