The Khasi priest is usually called Lyngdoh, or langdoh; he is always appointed from the lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word lyngdoh is said by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be lang = together and doh = flesh. A lyngdoh, or langdoh, is one who collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh for the purpose of sacrificing. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is doubtful, owing to the absence in the word lyngdoh of the prefix nong which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides lyngdohs there are persons called soh-blei or soh-sla, who may also be said to be priests. The Khasis, unlike the Hindus, have no purohit or priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through the agency of the kni, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently well versed in the details of sacrifices, and in the art of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from family and clan sacrifices, there are the sacrifices for the good of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it is the duty of the lyngdoh to perform. He may be said to be the priest of the communal religion, although he has certain duties in connection with offences committed against the social law of marriage, and with regard to the casting out of evil spirits from houses which may be thought to be infested with them. The lyngdohs of the Khasis may be likened to the Roman pontifices. In the different Khasi States there is, as a rule, more than one lyngdoh; sometimes there is quite a number of such priests, as in Nongkrem where there is a lyngdoh for each raj or division of the state. There are a few Khasi States where the priest altogether takes the place of the Siem, and rules the community with the help of his elders in addition to performing the usual spiritual offices. The duties of lyngdohs, their methods of sacrificing, and the gods to whom they sacrifice, vary in the different Siemships, but there is one point in which we find agreement everywhere, i.e. that the lyngdoh must be assisted at the time of performing sacrifices by a female priestess, called ka soh-blei, ka soh-sla, or simply ka lyngdoh. This female collects all the puja articles and places them ready to the lyngdoh's hand at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when sacrificing. The female soh-blei is without doubt a survival of the time when, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for the performance of all religious ceremonies. Another such survival is the High Priestess of Nongkrem, who still has many religious duties to perform; not only so, but she is the actual head of the State in this Siemship, although she delegates her temporal powers to one of her sons or nephews, who thus becomes Siem. A similar survival of the ancient matriarchal religious system is the Siem sad, or priestess, at Mawsynram, who, on the appointment of a new Siem or chief, has to assist at certain sacrifices. Here we may compare Karl Pearson's remark, when dealing with matriarchal customs, that "according to the evidence of Roman historians, not only the seers but the sacrificers among the early Teutons were women." The duties of the lyngdohs, as regards communal worship, consist chiefly of sacrificing at times of epidemics of cholera, and such-like visitations of sickness (jing iap khlam). In the Khyrim State there is a goddess of each raj, or division, of the state, to whom sacrifices are offered on such occasions. To the goddess are sacrificed a goat and hen, powdered rice (u kpu), and a gourd of fermented liquor; the leaves of the dieng sning, or Khasi oak, are also used at this ceremony. The lyngdoh is assisted by a priestess called ka soh-sla, who is his mother, or his sister, or niece, or some other maternal relation. It is the duty of the priestess to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place. Sacrifices are also performed by the lyngdoh to u Lei Lyngdoh, alias u Ryngkew. This used to be the tutelary deity in times of war, but in less troublous times the Khasi lyngdoh sacrifices to him for success in tribal or State litigation. A pig and a cock, with the usual accessories, are sacrificed by the lyngdoh to this god. As in the case of sacrifices to Ka lei Raj, the services of a priestess are indispensable.
A lyngdoh is a lyngdoh for life. When a lyngdoh dies and his successor is appointed, certain rather elaborate ceremonies are observed in the Nongkrem raj of the Khyrim State. The funeral ceremonies of the old lyngdoh having been completed, the lyngdoh clan appoints his successor. The latter then, after performing his ablutions, proceeds, accompanied by the assembled members of the lyngdoh clan, to the top of the Shillong Peak. The lyngdoh and his clansmen advance along the road dancing, this dancing being carried on all the way from the lyngdoh's house to the Shillong Peak. All are clad in the distinctive Khasi dancing dress. Having reached the Peak, they pick the leaves of a tree called ka 'la phiah, which they spread on the ground. A goat and a cock are then sacrificed, the new lyngdoh acting as the sacrificer. There are the usual accessories, including branches of the Khasi sning or oak. Nine portions (dykhot) are cut from different parts of the victims and are offered to the god of the Shillong Peak, U lei Shillong. The lyngdoh and his companions then perform obeisance three times to the god, and the lyngdoh walks backwards some paces. The puja is then over, and they return dancing to the lyngdoh's house. On another day the lyngdoh performs a puja to u lei Lyngdoh, alias u Ramjah. Undoubtedly the most interesting feature of the ceremonies on these occasions is the dancing. This dancing is carried out by the lyngdoh and his companions armed with sword and shield, a fly-flap made of goat's hair (symphiah) being also sometimes held in one hand, a quiver of arrows being slung on the back, and a plume of black and white cocks' feathers (u thuya) fixed in the turban. The dance is executed in a regular figure, the dancers advancing and retiring in an orderly and methodical manner, and finally clashing their swords together in mock combat. The dance of the present day is not unlikely the survival of a war dance of ancient times. The lyngdohs say they dance in honour of U lei Lyngdoh, to whom such dances are thought to be pleasing. The dance of the lyngdohs on these occasions may be compared with that of the Roman salii, who, in the month of March, performed a war dance in honour of Mars.
The above and other similar sacrifices to the gods of the State or divisions of the State may be said to be the communal religious duties of the lyngdohs. The duties of lyngdohs with reference to private persons may now be mentioned. When it is found that any two people have made an incestuous marriage, that is to say a marriage within the exogamous group of the kur, or clan, the parties at fault are taken before the lyngdoh by their clansmen, who request him to sacrifice in order to ward off the injurious effects of the sang, or taboo, of such a connection from the kinsfolk. On this occasion a pig is sacrificed to u'lei lyngdoh and a goat to ka lei long raj. The parties at fault are then outcasted. As mentioned in another place, the sin of incest admits of no expiation for the offenders themselves. In the Khyrim State, it is said by the lyngdohs themselves, although not by the Siem or the myntries, that they are the reversionary legatees of all the persons who die without leaving female heirs (iap duh). In other Siemships such property passes to the Siem. The lyngdoh of Nongkrem can also take possession of the property of persons who have been found to harbour an evil spirit (jingbih) in their houses. It appears that in such cases the house and furniture are burnt, as in the case of the Taroh superstition in the Jaintia Hills, the lyngdoh, however, taking possession of jewellery or anything else of value. The only practical service the lyngdoh renders in return is to build the afflicted person a new house; unless, indeed, we take into account the casting forth of the devil by the lyngdoh. Mr. Jenkins, of Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, writes: "Such is the belief of the people in the evil spirits, that they are completely under the influence of the priests and spend large sums of money in order to secure their favour. They live in constant dread lest by the least transgression or omission they should offend these avaricious men and so bring upon themselves the wrath of the demons." The influence of the lyngdohs over the people in the Jaintia Hills seems to be stronger than in the Khasi Hills. For instance, it came to my notice in Raliang that crops cannot be cut until the lyngdoh has seem them, in other words, until the lyngdoh has claimed and obtained his share of the produce. In many places, however, in the Khasi Hills the lyngdoh is much discredited, owing, no doubt, to the advance of Christianity and education.
Ceremonies and Customs Attending Birth and Naming of Children.
The Khasi birth ceremonies and customs are as follows:—When a child is born the umbilical cord is cut by a sharp splinter of bamboo; no knife can be used on this occasion. The Mundas of Chota Nagpur similarly taboo a metal instrument for this purpose. The child is then bathed in hot water from a red earthen pot. The placenta is carefully preserved in an earthen vessel in the house till after the naming ceremony has taken place. When the umbilical cord, after being tied, falls off, a puja is performed with eggs to certain water deities (ka blei sam-um and ka niangriang), [31] also to a forest spirit (u'suid bri or u'suid khláw). The naming ceremony of the child is performed the next morning after the birth. Certain females are invited to come and pound rice in a mortar into flour. The flour when ready is placed on a bamboo winnower (u prah). Fermented rice is mixed with water and is placed in a gourd. Some powdered turmeric is also provided, and is kept ready in a plantain leaf, also five pieces of 'kha piah, or dried fish. The earthen pot containing the placenta is then placed in the nongpei, or centre room of the house, If the child is a male, they place near him a bow and three arrows (the implements of a Khasi warrior); if a female, a da and u star, or cane head-strap for carrying burdens. An elderly man, who knows how to perform the naming puja, which is called by the Khasis "kaba jer khun," places a plantain-leaf on the floor and sprinkles some water on it. He takes the gourd in his hand and calls a god to witness. The people assembled then mention a number of names for the child, and ask the man who is performing the puja to repeat them. This he does, and at the same time pours a little liquor from the gourd on to the ground. As he goes on pouring, the liquor by degrees becomes exhausted, and finally only a few drops remain. The name at the repeating of which the hot drop of liquor remains adhering to the spout of the gourd is the name selected for the child. Then the puja performer invokes the god to grant good luck to the child. The father takes the pot containing the placenta, after having previously placed rice flour and fermented rice therein, and waves it three times over the child, and then walks out with it through the main entrance of the house and hangs up the pot to a tree outside the village. When he returns from this duty, before he re-enters the house, another throws water over the father's feet. The father, being thus cleansed, enters, and holds the rice flour to his mouth three times. Two people then, holding the dried fish by their two ends, break them in two. The powdered turmeric mixed with rice flour and water is applied to the right foot of the father, the mother and the child receiving the same treatment. The friends and relations are then anointed, the turmeric being applied, however, to their left feet. The bow, arrows, da, and u star are carefully placed inside the inner surface of the thatch on the roof, and the ceremony is over. Rice flour is then distributed to all who are present, and the male adults are given liquor to drink. After two or three months the ears of the child are bored and ear-rings are inserted. These ear-rings are called, ki shashkor iawbei (i.e. the ear-rings of the great-grandmother). Mr. Jenkins mentions that the naming ceremony amongst the Syntengs is performed by the "eldest aunt," presumably on the mother's side. A basket of eggs is placed in the centre of the room, and before the ceremony begins one egg has to be broken. Then the aunt of the child takes two sticks, and, raising them to her shoulder, lets them fall to the ground. Before they fall she shouts, "What name do you give the child?" The name is mentioned, and if, on falling upon the ground, one stick crosses the other, it is a proof that the name has won the approval of the spirit. If the sticks do not fall in this position, another egg is broken and another name is chosen, and the sticks are dropped as before until they fall in the required position, when it is understood by the performers that the name is a good one. Mr. Jenkins was informed by a young man "who had renounced heathenism" that some of the more cunning women cross the sticks before lifting them, and that when they do this they invariably fall crossed to the ground. "They thus save their eggs, save time and trouble, get the name they desire for the child. . . ." It is noteworthy that the Khasis consider it necessary to preserve the placenta until the ceremony of naming the child is over, and that the pot containing the placenta is waved over the head of the child before it is removed and hung up in a tree.
Dr. Fraser, at page 53 et seq. of the "Golden Bough," when dealing with the subject of sympathetic magic, refers to the navel string and the placenta as parts which are commonly believed amongst certain people to remain in sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection has been severed, and it is interesting to note that in the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta is mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women, each of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a peculiar kind (citrus hystrix). The women carry the swords for the purpose of frightening the evil spirits, otherwise the latter might get hold of the placenta and make the child sick. Mr. C. M. Pleyte, Lecturer on Indonesian Ethnology, at the Gymnasium William III at Batavia, who has most courteously furnished me with some interesting information on this subject, states that it is especially in the Southern Moluccas that the placenta is mixed with ashes and hung in a tree. Wider spread is the custom of placing the after-birth on a small bamboo raft in a river "in order that it may be caught by crocodiles, incarnations of the ancestors, who will guard it till the person to whom it has belonged dies. Then the soul of the placenta is once more united with that of the dead man, and together they go to the realms of the dead. During lifetime the connection between men and their placentas is never withdrawn." The Khasis, although they cannot explain the meaning of the presence of the placenta at the naming ceremony, and the care with which they remove it and hang it up in a tree, are probably really actuated by the same sentiments as the inhabitants of the Southern Moluccas, i.e. they believe that there is, as Dr. Fraser puts it, a sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection with the child has been severed. There is no fixed period of sang, or taboo, after a birth, but the parents of the child are prohibited by custom from crossing a stream or washing their clothes until the navel-string falls off, for fear that the child should be attacked by the demons of the hills and the vales.
The Wár birth customs are substantially the same as those of the Khasis, but there is the difference that a Wár family after a birth is sang, or, taboo, for seven days, whereas amongst the Khasis the only prohibition is that the parents must not cross a stream or wash their clothes until they have propitiated the spirits. A twin birth is sang, or taboo. The Khasis argue that as there is but one Ka Iawbei (first ancestress), and one U Tháwlang (first ancestor), so one child, either male or female, should be born at a time. A twin birth is accordingly regarded as a visitation from God for some sang, or transgression, committed by some member of the clan. When the twins are of opposite sexes the sang is considered to be extremely serious, the Khasi idea being that defilement has taken place within the womb. The case is treated as one of shong kur, or marriage within the clan, and the bones of the twins cannot be placed in the sepulchre of the clan. There are no special birth customs amongst the Lynngams.
There is no trace of the couvade amongst the Khasis.
Marriage.
We now come to consider marriage amongst the Khasis from a religious point of view. Shadwell has said that marriage amongst the Khasis "is purely a civil contract." This statement is not correct, for there is an elaborate religious ceremony at which God the creator, U'lei thaw briew man briew, the god or goddess of the State, U or ka'lei Synshar, and, what is probably more important, the ancestress and ancestor of the clan, Ka Iawbei-tymmen and U Thawlang, are invoked. There are three marriage ceremonies prevalent amongst the Khasis, which are (a) Pynhiarsynjat, (b) Lamdoh and (c) Iadih-kiad, respectively. The first and second forms above mentioned are considered the more respectable; the last-named is resorted to by the very poor who cannot afford the greater expense entailed by the first two ceremonies.