An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

I arrived at the cabinet office on Thursday morning, at ten, and was shown to the room where the Premier was to receive me. As he had told me that Mr. C.C. Wu would be present to interpret, I had not brought an interpreter for this informal and intimate interview. The Premier soon entered unattended and we sat down together, smoking cigarettes, and observing an enforced silence, as Mr. Wu had not appeared. We were without an interpreter, but even in such circumstances the perfection of Chinese manners allows no embarrassment to arise. We had been sitting in mute thought a little while, when Admiral Chen, the Minister of the Navy, came in; he spoke English quite well, so that our conversation could begin; soon we were in the midst of earnest discussion. Within another ten minutes Dr. Chen Chin-tao, the Minister of Finance, arrived, and shortly after him came Mr. C.C. Wu. Thus, quite by chance, I had the opportunity of talking over these momentous matters jointly with the representatives of the four departments of government most nearly concerned: Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, and Navy.

We could now once more thoroughly go over all doubts and objections, and look at the proposed policy in all its manifold aspects and probable results. In this intense and earnest conversation no formal interpreting was needed. Whoever replied to my remarks would first repeat in Chinese what I had said for the benefit of the Premier. When the Premier had spoken, Mr. Wu would interpret his thought for me. All the others addressed me directly in English. I advanced arguments on every point, of which the following is a memorandum:

The American Government has taken the present action because the wilful disregard of neutral rights went to the extent of imperilling not only neutral property, but the lives of our citizens. In this matter the interests of China are entirely parallel to those of the United States; both nations are peaceful and see in the maintenance of international right and peaceful conditions a vital guarantee of their national safety. Through association with the United States, China would enter upon this controversy with a position consonant with every tradition and interest of her national life, a position which would have to be respected by friends and foes alike, as dictated by the highest principles which could guide national action. By taking this action, China would improve her independent standing among the nations, she would have to be consulted during the course of the controversy and at the conclusion of the war; she would, in all this, be most closely associated with that nation which she has always looked upon as peculiarly friendly and just to her. In addition to these arguments, many favourable results were discussed which China would obtain in international diplomacy.

Many arguments were advanced by the Chinese officials in doubt of the policy suggested; it was stated that China had not led up to a breach with Germany by notes of protest, such as had made the action of the United States seem natural and unavoidable; Germany had of late years always been considerate in her treatment of China, a sudden breach might seem treacherous; it might also be taken by Japan as so surprising an action as to give a favourable pretext for pressing the dreaded demands of Group V. It was also apparent that the representatives of the European Allies were not in a position to give China, at the present time, any advice favourable to the action suggested.

I pointed out in turn that were the action suggested once taken by China, the representatives of the Allied Powers would have no choice but to applaud it, which some of them, at least, would do from the fulness of their hearts. As far as Japan was concerned, the situation would be such as to indicate that that country, too, would decide to express approval of the action. Having taken a definite position on this side of the controversy, without yet entirely associating herself with the Allies, China would be in a position to command their goodwill; any interference with China's sovereign rights would be rendered more difficult because of the situation thus created. It was almost inconceivable that coercive action should be taken against the friend who had declared himself. Moreover, the United States having taken the initiative in inviting China to participate in the protest, it would be unlikely that any action could be taken over the head of the United States or without consulting the American Government.

As to the suddenness of the action suggested, I urged that the action of the German Government in announcing unrestricted submarine warfare was itself so astounding in its disregard of neutral rights that no action taken in reply could be considered too drastic. It was virtually a threat to kill Chinese citizens navigating certain portions of the high seas; and injury could be prevented only by taking a determined and forceful position.

We continued our discussion until nearly twelve o'clock, when I took my leave, thanking the ministers for their courtesy and goodwill. The cabinet sat until six in the evening. Shortly after six I received a telephone call from Mr. C.C. Wu, who said: "I am very happy to tell you that the cabinet has decided to make a protest to Germany, and to indicate that diplomatic relations will be broken off unless the present submarine warfare is abandoned."

It is interesting to remember, as the publication of the Russian secret archives has shown, that on this very day the Japanese Minister for Foreign 'Affairs was urging the Russian ambassador at Tokyo to get from his government assurances of various benefits (including Shantung) to come to Japan if she undertook the supposedly difficult task of inducing China to join the Allies. Japan was thus asking a commission for persuading the Chinese to join the Allies, although they were willing to do so freely of their own accord, as their action this day showed.

The Chinese had made a great decision. These men had acted independently upon their judgment of what was just and in the best interests of their own nation. It was the act of a free government, without a shadow of attempt at pressure, without a thought of exacting compensations on their part. When it is considered in comparison with the manner in which some other governments entered the war, it will stand as an honour to China for all time. Incidentally, this was China's first independent participation in world politics. She had stepped out of her age-long aloofness and taken her place among the modern nations.

I now sent the note to the Chinese Government which contained the simple assurance of fair treatment by the United States. In return I received this promise:

In case an act should be performed by the German Government which should be considered by the American Government as a sufficient cause for a declaration of war, the Chinese Government will at least break off its diplomatic relations with Germany.