In the cabinet, Dr. Chen Chin-tao, the Minister of Finance, and Mr. C.C. Wu, representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, from the earliest moment associated themselves with those of the opinion that China must act, and they led the younger officials. In the Kuo Min Tang, Mr. C.T. Wang, vice-president of the senate; Dr. Wang Chung-hui, the leading jurist of China; and General Niu Yung-chien, of revolutionary fame, were the first to become active. The Peking Gazette, with its brilliant editor, Eugene Chen, came out strongly in favour of following the United States. A powerful public opinion was quietly forming among the Chinese. The Young China party was beginning to see the advantage which lay in having China emerge from her passivity.
When I returned from a dinner with the Alstons at the British Legation on Tuesday night, Mr. C.C. Wu brought me word from the cabinet that it would be quite impossible to take action unless the American Government could adequately assure China assistance in bearing the responsibilities which she might incur, without impairment of her sovereign rights and the independent control of her national forces.
The Chinese ministers had in mind two things: In the first place, the need of financial assistance, in order to make it possible for China eventually to participate in the war, if that should be desired; and, second, the prevention of all arrangements whereby Chinese natural resources, military forces, arsenals, or ships, would be placed under foreign control incompatible with her undiminished national independence.
All through Wednesday I struggled with this difficult problem. I had to act on my own responsibility, as I could not reach the Department of State by cable. If all the influences unfavourable to the action proposed were given time to assert themselves, the American proposal would be obstructed and probably defeated. The Chinese Government would act only on such assurances as I could feel justified in giving to them at this time; if I gave them none, no action would be taken. It seemed almost a matter of course, should China follow the lead of the American Government, that the latter would not allow China to suffer through lack of all possible support in aiding China to bear the responsibilities she assumed, and in preventing action from any quarter which would impose on China new burdens because of her break with Germany. Unable to interpret my instructions otherwise than that a joint protest of the neutrals had actually been planned by the American Government, and feeling that the effect upon Germany of the American protest depended on the early concurrence of the important neutral powers, I considered prompt action essential. I was sure that all sorts of unfavourable and obstructive influences would presently get to work in Peking.
When discussion had reached its limit, on the afternoon of February 7th, I felt it necessary to draw up a note concerning the attitude of the American Government. The tenor of this note I communicated to the Premier and the Foreign Office, with the understanding that I should send the note if favourable action were decided upon by the Chinese Government.
I believed that without such assurances the instructions of the American Government could not be carried out, and that it would act in all respects in a manner consonant with its position as a powerful government and as a leader of protest among the neutrals; moreover, that its relations with those who gave support in a policy of such fundamental importance would be determined by principles of equity and justice. I felt that the United States could not be less liberal toward a country coming to its support than toward those countries which the American Government was now going to help. It was only these self-evident conclusions which I cautiously expressed in my note. The text of this note, in its essential part, had the following form:
Excellency:
In our recent conversation concerning the policy of your Government in associating itself with the United States in active opposition to the unrestricted submarine warfare by which Germany is indiscriminately jeopardizing the lives of neutral citizens, you have with entire frankness pointed out to me that, whereas the Chinese Government is in principle disposed to adopt the suggestion of the President of the United States in that regard, it nevertheless finds itself in a position in which it would not feel safe in so doing unless assured that it could obtain from American sources such financial and other assistance as would enable it to take the measures appropriate to the situation which would thus be created.
With like candour I have stated to you that I have recommended to my Government that in the event of the Chinese Government's associating itself with the President's suggestion, the Government of the United States should take measures to put at its disposition the funds immediately required for the purposes you have indicated, and should take steps with a view to such a funding of the Boxer Indemnity as would for the time being make available for the purposes of the Chinese Government at least the major portion of the current indemnity instalments; and I have indicated to you my personal conviction that my Government would be found just and liberal in effecting this or other such arrangements to enable the Chinese Government to meet the responsibilities which it might assume upon the suggestion of the President. I should not be wholly frank with you, however, if I were to fail to point out that the exact nature of any assistance to be given or any measure to be taken must be determined through consultation of various administrative organs, in some cases including reference to Congress, in order to make effective such arrangements as might have been agreed to in principle between the executive authorities of the two countries; and I therefore could not in good faith make in behalf of my Government any definite commitments upon your suggestions at the present time.
I do, however, feel warranted in assuming the responsibility of assuring you in behalf of my Government that by the methods you have suggested, or otherwise, adequate means will be devised to enable China to fulfill the responsibilities consequent upon associating herself with the action of the United States Government, without any impairment of her national independence and of her control of her military establishment and general administration.
Final presentation of everything that had to be considered in making a decision was arranged with the Premier for Wednesday evening. I found General Tuan alone. We spoke awhile about the news of the day, then I began to go into the main matter. But General Tuan appeared weary and worried. This may have been the reason for the failure of the interpreters to make smooth connection: I suggested, as the Premier had had an excessively long day, that we meet again the following morning. It was arranged for ten o'clock at the cabinet office, just before the Thursday morning cabinet conference.
I had just dined with Mr. C.T. Wang and a number of parliamentary leaders. They were keen on the policy of following the United States. They had seen President Li during the day; he was still full of doubts, but stated that he would leave the decision in the hands of the cabinet, and would abide by the results. Mr. Wang believed that the President was gradually coming around to the American point of view, and that his acceptance of it would be the stronger and heartier because of the conscientious doubts which he was overcoming.
The negotiations of these three days had gone on quietly. The men upon whom rested the responsibility of making the decision were constantly in conference. Several men of influence worked with officials of the Government and leaders in parliament. But the outside foreign public was not fully alive to what was going on, and those who knew and were interested generally believed that ancient China would not take so unprecedented a step. The Japanese minister, Baron Hayashi, was absent from Peking. The German official representatives apparently had no idea that any radical action could come from the Chinese Government.