An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

Dr. John C. Ferguson addressed himself directly to the Premier and the President; his thorough knowledge of Chinese enabled him to bring home to them the essential points in favour of prompt action. Mr. Roy S. Anderson and Mr. W.H. Donald, an Australian acting as editor of the Far Eastern Review, who were close to the members of the Communications Party and the Kuo Min Tang, addressed themselves especially to the leaders in parliament. Dr. G.E. Morrison, the British adviser of the President of China, had long worked to have China join in the war: he quietly used all his influence with the President and high officials, in order to make them understand what was at stake. Other Americans and British newspapermen, like Charles Stevenson Smith and Sam Blythe, who happened to be in Peking, all tirelessly working in their own way with men whose confidence they enjoyed, urged the policy proposed by America. These men made a spontaneous appeal based upon the fundamental justice of the policy of resisting an intolerable practice, and on the beneficent effect which a great issue like this would have in pulling the Chinese nation together and in making it realize its status as a member of the family of nations. However, what counted most with the Chinese was the fact that America had acted, and had invited China to take a similar step.

At a second long interview with the President, he asked me: "Would not a positive active foreign policy, particularly if it should lead to war, strengthen the militarist party?"

I replied that in my opinion such a contingency would strengthen decisively the Central Government, enabling it to keep the military in their proper place as an organ of the state and preventing the further growth of the pseudo-feudalism inherited from Yuan Shih-kai.

"But would the American Government assist China in bearing the responsibilities of such a step?"

Before replying to this question, I had to cable the Department of State for instructions as to what assurances I would be authorized to give to the Chinese Government in the event of their taking the action suggested by the United States. Unfortunately, as was several times the case during some critical situation, the cable connection was broken and I failed to get any reply to assist me during the negotiations.

With a map the Premier and I, later that afternoon, analyzed the military situation of the European Powers. From the analogy of the American Civil War, I expressed to him the belief that Germany could not resist the enormous pressure from all sides. "What," the Premier asked, "may be expected of America by way of direct military action? Bear in mind that I wish for nothing more than for a strong America, able to exercise a guiding influence in the affairs of the world."

My positive belief that America would, if necessary, follow the severance of relations with the strongest kind of military action interested him. America had been represented to the Chinese as a big, over-rich country which lacked energy for a supreme military effort.

"What, then, will happen at the conclusion of the war?" he asked.

The fact that Japan had already made efforts to assure for herself the right to speak for China was worrying the Chinese. With the Premier, as with the President, the idea that, through breaking with Germany, China could assure herself of an independent position at the peace table, had much weight. Both men also faced the possibility of being drawn into the war. The Premier appeared to regard this with a certain degree of positive satisfaction; to the President it seemed a less agreeable prospect. I made it plain that the American proposal did not go beyond breaking off diplomatic relations with Germany, and, that by taking that step, China would effectually rebuke and discourage the illegal and inhuman acts of Germany on the high seas, keeping her hands entirely free as to future action. Should further steps be later needed, the road would be open.

Intensive discussions were going on all day Monday and deep into the night among the Chinese officials and the leaders of parliament. I received calls on Tuesday from many Chinese leaders who wished to talk over the situation. The progressive, modern-minded, and forward-looking among the Chinese readily supported the idea that China should range herself alongside the United States in this action. Admiral Tsai Ting-kan, who was very close to the President, laboured in company with Doctor Morrison to bring before Li Yuan-hung all the considerations favouring positive action. The President, however, still adhered to his idea that it was safer for China to remain entirely neutral.