Burgoyne was awakened in the night with the intelligence that Baum had met and surrendered to the enemy. Next came word that Breyman was engaged in severe and doubtful conflict. Drums beat to arms. The whole camp was roused, and Burgoyne was preparing to march his whole army to Breyman’s assistance, when word came in that he was on his way back in safety. The main army remained in camp at the Batten Kiln, but Burgoyne forded that stream and pushed forward until he met Breyman and his troops, haggard and fatigued from hard fighting and incessant marching in the hot weather. Four brass field pieces, nine hundred dragoon swords, one thousand stand of arms, and four ammunition wagons were the fruits of the victory. Thirty-two officers and four hundred and sixty-four privates were taken prisoners. The Americans lost one hundred in killed and wounded. The British killed could not be ascertained, as many had fallen in the woods. Stark remarked, that had there been another hour of daylight, the whole British force would have fallen into their hands.
Tidings of the affair at Bennington reached Washington just before he moved his camp from the neighborhood of Philadelphia, and it relieved his mind of a load of anxiety. In a letter to Putnam he wrote: “As there is not now the least danger of General Howe’s going to New England, I hope the whole force of the country will turn out, and by following the great stroke struck by General Stark near Bennington, entirely crush Burgoyne, who seems to be in want of almost everything.”
The compliment paid to the troops of Vermont by General Burgoyne, was to this effect: “The district of the New Hampshire Grants, a wilderness little known in the last war, now abounds with the most active, rebellious and hardy race of men on the continent, who hang like a gathering storm, ready to burst on my left.” This was written shortly previous to his capitulation. This brilliant double victory at Bennington, by relieving New England from apprehensions, and enabling the patriots to concentrate their forces against Burgoyne, resulted in forcing that General to surrender, on the plains of Saratoga, as noble an army as was ever sent to subdue a country. The news spread through America and Europe, sealed the alliance between France and the United States, and so secured their independence.
In the next chapter we will relate how this timely service of the Green Mountain Boys was requited by Congress. It is not within the range of human wisdom to say what would have been the effect on the American cause, had the demand of New York been complied with, and Stark and Warner been stripped of their commissions before the battle of Bennington. The enemy would have been left to devastate the country at their pleasure, and by diverting the patriot stores in and around Bennington to the use of Burgoyne’s army, thereby rendered his position well-nigh impregnable.
CHAPTER XI.
PRIVATE NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE BRITISH.
Brilliant and signal as had been the feats of these Vermonters with the sword, not less so were their acts of diplomacy. One can but be impressed with the spectacle of a handful of men accomplishing by policy what they could never have done by power—for years keeping at bay an army of British troops 10,000 strong, hovering over and in readiness to swoop down and devastate their exposed and unprotected frontier, at the same time the people were permitted to go on unconcernedly about their harvest.
The claims to independence on the part of Vermont were still unacknowledged by Congress, and New York was still importunate and vexatious. The British generals in America endeavored to turn these circumstances to their own account, by detaching Vermont from the cause of the Colonies, and making it a British province. The first intimation that the people of Vermont had of this circumstance was conveyed in a letter from Colonel Beverly Robinson, dated New York, Mar. 30th, 1780, and delivered to Colonel Ethan Allen in the street at Arlington in July. Allen communicated the contents of the letter to Governor Chittenden and some others, but returned no answer.
Meantime, the village of Royalton had been sacked and burned by a party of three hundred Indians under a British officer, four of the inhabitants killed, and twenty-five taken prisoners. It was arranged that the Governor should address a communication to General Haldimand, then commanding in Canada, proposing a cartel for the exchange of prisoners,—the letter to be sent under a flag to the enemy’s lines. In October, the British appeared in great force on the lake; such was the alarm that the Legislature, then in session at Bennington, adjourned, many of the members taking arms and hastening to the frontiers.
In a few days Colonel Ethan Allen received a flag from Carleton, with an answer to Governor Chittenden’s letter respecting the cartel. With it was enclosed a proposition for a truce with Vermont. Allen agreed to the proposal on condition that the frontiers of Vermont should include the territory to the Hudson River. This truce, however, was not publicly known; the militia were immediately disbanded and allowed to return home. The militia of New York were also on their frontiers; not being in the secret, they were surprised to see the Vermont troops returning home, and still more to learn that the British were retiring to Canada.
In February, 1781, Colonel Robinson wrote again to Ethan Allen, enclosing a copy of the former letter. He was induced to make another trial, he said, “especially as I can now write with more authority, and assure you, that you may obtain the terms mentioned in the above letter, provided you and the people of Vermont take a decisive and active part with us.”