Allen returned no answer to either of these letters, but enclosed them both in a communication to Congress. In that letter he says: “I am confident that Congress will not dispute my sincere attachment to my country, though I do not hesitate to say I am fully grounded in opinion that Vermont has an indubitable right to agree on terms of a cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, provided the United States persist in rejecting her application for a union with them; for Vermont, of all people, would be most miserable, were she obliged to defend the independence of the United States, and they at the same time at full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence of Vermont. I am as resolutely determined to defend the independence of Vermont, as Congress that of the United States, and rather than fail, will retire with the hardy Green Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns of the mountains, and wage war with the devil, hell, and human nature at large.” This somewhat forcible language was excusable under the circumstances.

Early in that year, Vermont, by a vote of her Legislature, adopted the policy of the States of New York, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, that had been laying claim to the territory of the Grants, and put in her claim of jurisdiction over a large part of each of those States. Thus Vermont was turning the weapons of her antagonists upon themselves. Numbers of representatives from the annexed districts took their seats in the Vermont assembly. At the time of extending her claims, she passed an act of general amnesty; this liberal and wise act of lenity had the desired effect.

The State of Vermont was at this time in a forlorn condition; torn by intestine divisions and the intrigues of her enemies in Congress: all the cannons, nay, every spade and pickaxe taken by her valiant sons at Ticonderoga and Crown Point were removed out of the State to Fort George; Colonel Warner’s regiment, raised in and for the protection of Vermont, was put into Continental service, and stationed to defend the frontiers of New York, not half so much exposed as Vermont; at the same time New York had recalled her State troops from Skenesborough, while an enemy, by coming up Lake Champlain, might land within a day’s march of hundreds of inhabitants who were remaining on their farms. Congress had interfered with the internal policy of Vermont, by cutting off her ways and means of raising money and men for self defense by the following: “Resolved, unanimously, that in the opinion of this body, no unappropriated lands or estates, which are or may be adjudged forfeited, or confiscated, lying in said district [Vermont], ought, until the final decision of Congress in the premises, be granted or sold.” We transcribe, on this topic, the words of Ira Allen:

“Thus left, as she had reason to suppose, by the intrigues of those who claimed and coveted her fertile soil, to be a prey to the common enemy, similar to the fate of their brethren, descendants from Connecticut, who settled at Wyoming and Susquehanna, and were mostly killed by a party of Indians; their towns and villages burned, and their country depopulated (supposed to be through the intrigues of land-jobbers), which has since become a prey to the Pennsylvania claimants, a junto similar to the New York monopolists, who were then taking every measure that the malignancy and avarice of human nature could suggest, for the destruction of the people of Vermont.” That there was some foundation for this explanation of the Wyoming massacre, is made only too apparent by subsequent events.

In April, 1781, Colonel Ira Allen was commissioned to settle a cartel with the British in Canada for the exchange of prisoners, and also to procure an armistice between the British forces and Vermont. This was thought well-nigh impracticable, as the British troops numbered 10,000 effective men, which must remain inactive, not being able to annoy other States without first annoying Vermont, while the latter had only 7,000 men as an offset. But an armistice must be had, or the frontiers evacuated until assistance could come from the States whose influence had rendered Vermont defenseless.

Allen arrived at Isle Aux Noix in due time, and was accorded apartments by Major Dundas, the officer in charge. At a convenient time Allen observed that Congress was endeavoring to bring Vermont into subjection to New York, but that they, rather than yield, would see Congress subjected to the British government, provided that Vermont could be a distinct colony under the Crown on safe and honorable terms; and that the people were not disposed longer to assist a government which might subject them and their posterity to New York, under which they could never be safe in person or property.

The replication to these observations was, that the territory of Vermont could be a colony under the Crown, with privileges equal to those enjoyed by any other colony, and that those who assisted in effecting such an event, would be duly honored and rewarded. Much conversation passed on the subject, of which General Haldimand was duly informed. Nothing decisive was accomplished, but the negotiation caused the army to remain inactive, which was a matter of congratulation to Allen.

The cartel was completed, and a verbal agreement entered into that hostilities should cease between Great Britain and those under the jurisdiction of Vermont, until after the sitting of the Legislature of that state. On Colonel Allen’s return several influential people waited on him, desiring to be advised whether to remain or remove to the interior portions of the country. Allen told them to remain quiet on their farms, and not think it strange though they had no army to protect the frontier; and that should any event make it necessary, for the safety of their families, to move, they might depend on seasonable information. This immunity of Vermont from the aggressions of the British, led the people on the borders to be all the more anxious to be annexed to her territory, as a measure of safety to their families and to their property.

First Church in Vermont.