XLIX. Now this also annoyed Pompeius, who was unaccustomed to be abused and had no practice in this kind of warfare; but he was still more vexed when he perceived that the Senate were pleased at the insults offered to him and at his paying the penalty for his treachery to Cicero. But when it happened that they came to blows in the Forum and even proceeded so far as to wound one another, and a slave of Clodius was detected in the crowd stealing through the bystanders up to Pomipeius with a dagger in his hand, Pompeius alleging these proceedings as his excuse, and besides that, being afraid of the insolence and abuse of Clodius, came no more into the Forum so long as Clodius was in office, but kept to his house and was planning with his friends how he could pacify the resentment of the Senate and the nobles towards him. However he would not listen to Culleo,[315] who advised him to put away Julia and giving up the friendship of Cæsar to pass over to the Senate, but he followed the advice of those who recommended that Cicero[316] should be restored, who was the greatest enemy of Clodius and most beloved by the Senate. Pompeius with a strong party accompanied Cicero's brother who was going to make his entreaty to the people, and after some wounds had been inflicted in the Forum and some persons were killed, they got the advantage over Clodius. Cicero returning to the city in pursuance of a law immediately reconciled Pompeius to the Senate, and, by speaking in favour of the law relating to grain,[317] in a manner again made Pompeius master of all the land and sea that the Romans possessed. For under his control were placed harbours, places of trade, the disposal of produce, in a word, all the affairs of those who navigated the sea and cultivated the land. But Clodius complained that the law had not been made on account of the scarcity of grain, but that the scarcity of grain was caused in order that the law might be passed, and that Pompeius might again fan into a flame and recover his power, which was as it were wasting away through his want of spirit. Others explained this to have been a device of the consul Spinther, whose object was to engage Pompeius in a higher official employment, that himself might be sent out to support king Ptolemæus.[318] However Canidius the tribune proposed a measure to the effect that Pompeius without an army and with two lictors should go to bring about a reconciliation between the Alexandrians and the king. And indeed it was supposed that Pompeius was not displeased at the measure, but the Senate rejected it on the specious pretext that they feared for the safety of Pompeius. There were writings to be found scattered about the Forum and near the Senate-house, to the effect that Ptolemæus wished Pompeius to be given to him as general instead of Spinther. And Timagenes[319] says that Ptolemæus without any reason and without necessity had quitted Egypt and left it at the advice of Theophanes who was planning profitable occupation for Pompeius and a subject for a fresh command. But the villainy of Theophanes does not make this so probable, as the character of Pompeius makes it improbable, for he had no ambition of so mean and illiberal a kind.
L. Pompeius being appointed to look after the management and the supply of corn, sent his deputies and friends to many places, and he himself sailed to Sicily and Sardinia and Libya and collected grain. When he was about to set sail, there was a violent wind on the sea, and the masters of the ships were unwilling to put out, but Pompeius embarking first and bidding them raise the anchor, cried, "It is necessary to sail; there is no necessity to live." By such boldness and zeal, and the help of good fortune, Pompeius filled the markets with grain and the sea with ships, so that the superfluity of what he got together sufficed even for those who were without, and there was as from a spring an abundant overflowing for all.
LI. During this time the Celtic wars[320] raised Cæsar to great distinction; and though he was considered to be a very long way from Rome, and to be occupied with Belgæ and Suevi and Britanni, he contrived, by his skilful management, without being perceived, in the midst of the popular assemblies, and in the most important matters, to frustrate the political measures of Pompeius. For Cæsar's military force was like a body that invested him, and he was training it to toil, and making it invincible and formidable, not to oppose the barbarians, but he was disciplining his men in these contests just as if it were merely hunting wild beasts and pursuing them with dogs; and in the meantime he was sending to Rome gold and silver, and the rest of the spoil and wealth which he got in abundance from so many enemies, and by tempting people there with gifts, and assisting ædiles in their expenses, and generals and consuls and their wives, he was gaining over many of them; so that when he had crossed the Alps and was wintering in Luca, there was a great crowd of men and women who vied with one another in their eagerness to visit him, besides two hundred of the Senatorian class, among whom were Pompeius and Crassus; and one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and prætors were seen at Cæsar's doors. Now, after filling all the rest with hopes and money, he sent them off; but a compact was made between him and Crassus and Pompeius, that they should be candidates for the consulship, and that Cæsar should help them by sending many of his soldiers to vote, and that as soon as they were elected, they should secure for themselves the command of provinces and armies, and should confirm Cæsar's provinces to him for another five years. Upon this being publicly known, the first men in the State were displeased, and Marcellinus coming forward before the popular assembly, asked both Crassus and Pompeius to their faces, if they would be candidates for the consulship. The assembly bade them give him an answer, on which Pompeius spoke first, and said, that perhaps he should and perhaps he should not. Crassus replied in a manner more befitting a citizen,[321] for he said that he would act either way, as he should think it best for the common weal. But when Marcellinus stuck close to Pompeius, and was considered to be speaking in violent terms, Pompeius said that Marcellinus, of all men, showed the least regard to fair dealing, because he was not grateful to him in that he was the means of Marcellinus becoming eloquent, though he was formerly mute, and of now being so full as to vomit, though formerly he was starving of hunger.
LII. However, though everybody else declined to become candidates for the consulship, Cato persuaded Lucius Domitius,[322] and encouraged him not to give up, for he said the contest with the tyrants was not for power, but for liberty. But Pompeius and his partisans fearing the vigour of Cato, and lest, as he had all the Senate on his side, he should draw away and change the minds of the sounder part of the people, would not allow Domitius to come down into the Forum, but they sent armed men and killed the linkbearer, who was advancing in front, and put the rest to flight. Cato was the last to retreat, after being wounded in the right arm while he was fighting in front of Domitius. By such means they attained the consulship, nor did they conduct themselves in it with more decency. First of all, while the people were electing Cato prætor and giving their votes, Pompeius broke up the assembly, alleging that the omens were not favourable; and they had Vatinius[323] proclaimed in place of Cato by bribing the tribes. In the next place they introduced measures by means of Trebonius,[324] which gave to Cæsar, pursuant to the agreement, a second five years, to Crassus[325] Syria and the Parthian expedition, but to Pompeius all Libya, and both the provinces of Iberia and four legions, of which he lent two to Cæsar at his request for the war in Gaul. Now Crassus went out to his province, after giving up his consular functions; and Pompeius opened his theatre,[326] and gave gymnastic and musical contests at the dedication of it, and fights of wild beasts, in which five hundred lions were killed; and at the end he exhibited an elephant-fight, a most astonishing spectacle.
LIII. For all this Pompeius got admiration and love; but on the other hand he brought on himself no less odium by giving up the forces and the provinces to legati who were his friends, while himself in the places of amusement in Italy going about from one to another spent his time with his wife, either because he loved her, or because he could not bear to leave his wife who was attached to him; for this also is said. And the love of the young woman for her husband was much talked about, for her affection towards Pompeius was not what might have been expected considering his age; but the reason appears to have been the chaste conduct of her husband who knew only his married wife, and the dignity of his manners which were not austere but agreeable and particularly attractive to women, if we must not disbelieve the testimony even of Flora the courtezan. It happened that at the election of ædiles some men came to blows and no small number were killed near Pompeius, and as his garments were drenched with blood, he changed them. There was great confusion and hurrying to the house of the slaves who were carrying the vests; and it happened that Julia,[327] who was with child, saw the bloody toga, upon which she fainted and with difficulty recovered, and in consequence of that alarm and the excitement, she miscarried. Even those who found most fault with the alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, could not blame the woman for her affection. She became pregnant a second time and brought forth a female child, but she died of the pains of labour and the child did not survive her many days. Pompeius made preparations to bury her in his Alban villa, but the people by force took the body and carried it down into the Field of Mars, more from pity for the young woman than to please Pompeius and Cæsar. But of the two, it was considered that the people gave a larger portion of the honour to Cæsar who was absent than to Pompeius who was present. But in the city the waves forthwith began to move and everything was tossed to and fro, and was the subject of conversation tending to a complete split, now that the marriage connection was ended which hitherto rather veiled than checked the ambition of the two men. After no long time news also arrived that Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians; and that which had been a great hindrance to the civil war breaking out was now removed, for both Cæsar and Pompeius feared Crassus, and accordingly to some extent confined themselves within limits in their behaviour towards one another. But when fortune had cut off the man who was keeping a watch over the struggle, forthwith the words of the comic poet became applicable:
"Now each against the other smears his limbs,
And strews his hands with dust."
So small a thing is fortune in comparison with men's nature. For fortune cannot satisfy men's desires, since so great an amount of command and extent of wide-stretched territory put no check on the desires of two men, but though they heard and read that "all things[328] were divided into three portions for the gods and each got his share of dominion," they thought the Roman empire was not enough for them who were only two.
LIV. Yet Pompeius once said when he was addressing the people, that he had obtained every office sooner than he expected, and laid it down sooner than was expected. And in truth he had the disbandings of his forces a perpetual testimony of the truth of what he said. But now being convinced that Cæsar would not give up his power, he sought by means of the functionaries of the state to strengthen himself against him, but he attempted no change of any kind and did not wish to be considered to distrust Cæsar, but to disregard him rather and to despise him. However when he saw that the officers were not disposed of according to his judgment, the citizens being bribed, he allowed anarchy to spring up in the state; and forthwith there was much talk about a dictator, whom Lucilius the tribune first ventured to mention by advising the people to choose Pompeius dictator. Cato attacked him for this, and Lucilius ran the risk of losing his tribunate, and many of the friends of Pompeius came forward to exculpate him and said that he did not seek that office or wish for it. Upon this Cato commended Pompeius and exhorted him to turn his attention to the establishment of order, and Pompeius then out of shame did turn his attention to it, and Domitius[329] and Messala were made consuls; but afterwards there was again anarchy, and a greater number of persons now began to agitate the question of a dictator more boldly, and Cato and his partisans fearing that they should be forced to yield, determined to let Pompeius have a certain legalized authority for the purpose of diverting him from that pure tyrannical office. Bibulus, who was an enemy of Pompeius, was the first to propose in the Senate to choose Pompeius sole consul[330] and he said that the city would thus either be relieved from the present disorder, or they would be slaves to the best man among them. This opinion appeared strange from such a person, when Cato rising for the purpose as it was expected of speaking against Bibulus, as soon as there was silence, said that for his part he would not have introduced the proposed measure, but as it was introduced by another he advised that it should be adopted, for he preferred any government to no government, and he thought that nobody would administer affairs better than Pompeius at a time of such disorder. The Senate accepted the proposal and passed a decree that Pompeius if elected should be solo consul, and that if he wanted a colleague, he might choose any person whom he approved of, but not before two months had elapsed; and Pompeius being made consul on these terms and declared by Sulpicius the Interrex, addressed Cato in a friendly manner, admitting his great obligations to him and urging him to give him his advice as a private man in the discharge of his office. But Cato would not admit that Pompeius was under any obligations to him, for he had said nothing that he did say out of regard to him, but out of regard to the state: he added that he would give him his advice if he were privately applied to; and if Pompeius did not invite him, he would publicly tell him his opinion. Such was Cato in everything.
LV. After entering the city, Pompeius married Cornelia,[331] a daughter of Metellus Scipio, who was not a virgin, but had lately been left a widow by Publius, the son of Crassus, who had lost his life among the Parthians, and whose virgin bride she was. The young woman possessed many charms besides her youthful beauty, for she was well instructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and in geometry, and she had been accustomed to listen to philosophical discourses with profit. In addition to this she had a disposition free from all affectation and pedantic display, faults which such acquirements generally breed in women: her father also, both in respect to family and reputation, was above all imputation. Still the marriage did not please some people on account of the disparity of years; for the youth of Cornelia made her a fitter match for a son of Pompeius. But those who were more judicious considered that Pompeius had overlooked the state, which was in an unfortunate condition, to cure which the state had selected him for her physician, and put herself solely in his hands; and he was wearing chaplets and celebrating a marriage, when he ought to have considered his consulship a calamity, as it would not have been conferred on him so contrary to all constitutional practice, if his country were in a prosperous condition. However, he presided at the trials for corruption and bribery,[332] and drew up laws, pursuant to which the trials were conducted, and with the exception presently to be mentioned, he conducted all the proceedings with dignity and fairness, and he secured to the courts safety, order, and quiet, by taking his own place there with armed men; but when his father-in-law Scipio was under trial, he sent for the three hundred and sixty judices to his house and obtained their support for him, and the accuser gave up the prosecution when he saw Scipio conducted from the Forum by the judices.[333] This brought Pompeius again into bad report, which was still further increased when he came forward to speak in praise of Plancus,[334] though he had by special law put an end to encomiums on persons under trial. Cato, who happened to be one of the judices, stopped his ears with his hands, saying it was not right in him to listen to the encomiums which were contrary to law. In consequence of this Cato was rejected before the votes were given, but Plancus was convicted by the votes of the rest and to the shame of Pompeius. Now, a few days after, Hypsæus,[335] a consular man, who was under prosecution, watched for Pompeius as he was going to sup after taking the bath, and clasping his knees, suppliantly entreated him; but Pompeius passed by contemptuously, saying that Hypsæus was spoiling his supper, and doing nothing more. By showing himself thus partial he got blame. However, in every other respect he established good order, and took his father-in-law as his colleague for the remaining five months. A decree also was made that he should hold the provinces for another four years, and should receive yearly a thousand talents, out of which he was to feed and maintain his troops.
LVI. Cæsar's friends taking advantage of this, claimed some notice for Cæsar also, who was fighting so many battles for the supremacy of Rome; they said that he deserved either another consulship, or to have a fresh period added to his command, during which no other should supersede him and carry off the glory due to his labours, but that he who had accomplished those things should hold the command and quietly enjoy the honour. A debate arose on those subjects, on which Pompeius, affecting to deprecate the odium against Cæsar out of regard to him, said that he had letters of Cæsar, who was willing to have a successor and to be relieved from service, but still Cæsar thought it fair that he should be allowed to be a candidate for the consulship though he was not at Rome. To this Cato made opposition, and said that Cæsar ought to become a private person and lay down his arms, and then get any favour that he could from the citizens; and when Pompeius did not prosecute the debate, but submitted as if he were worsted, his real opinions about Cæsar became more suspected. He also sent to Cæsar and demanded back the troops[336] which he had lent him, pretending that he wanted them for the Parthian war. But Cæsar, though he knew why he was required to give up the troops, sent them back after handsomely rewarding them.