Some of the very persons who depreciate the value of the colonies, as a support to our revenue and finances, yet say, that we are now under a necessity of reducing them, or perishing. I wish such persons would give an account of the causes which, according to their ideas, create this dreadful necessity. Is it the same that led Haman of old to reckon all his honours and treasures nothing to him, while Mordecai the Jew would not bow to him?—Or, are we become so luxurious, that luxury even in the revenue is become necessary to us; and so depraved, that, like many individuals in private life, having lost self-dominion, we cannot subsist without dominion over others?
It must not be forgotten, that I speak here on the supposition, that it is possible for this country to be as safe and prosperous without America as some have asserted, and as was implied in what was said at opening the last Budget.—This is far from being my own opinion.—Some time or other we shall, in all probability, feel severely, in our commerce and finances, the loss of the colonies. As a source of revenue they are, I think, of great importance to us; but they are still more important as supports to our navy, and an aid to us in our wars. It appears now, that there is a force among them so formidable and so growing, that, with its assistance, any of the great European powers may soon make themselves masters of all the West-Indies and North-America; and nothing ought to be more alarming to us than that our natural enemies see this, and are influenced by it.—With the colonies united to us, we might be the greatest and happiest nation that ever existed. But with the colonies separated from us, and in alliance with France and Spain, we are no more a people.—They appear, therefore, to be indeed worth any price.—Our existence depends on keeping them.—But HOW are they to be kept?—Most certainly, not by forcing them to unconditional submission at the expence of many millions of money and rivers of blood. The resolution to attempt this, is a melancholy instance of that infatuation, which sometimes influences the councils of kingdoms. It is attempting to keep them by a method, which, if it succeeds, will destroy their use, and make them not worth the having; and which, if it does not succeed, will throw them into the scale of rival powers, kindle a general war, and undo the empire.
The extension of our territories in America, during the last war, increased the expence of our peace-establishment, from 2.400,000l. per ann. to four millions per ann.—Almost all the provinces in America, which used to be ours, are now to be conquered. Let the expence of this be stated at 25 or 30 millions; or, at a capital bearing a million per annum interest.—America recovered by the sword must be kept by the sword, and forts and garrisons must be maintained in every province to awe the wretched inhabitants, and to hold them in subjection. This will create another addition of expence; and both together cannot, I suppose, be stated at less than two millions per annum.—But how is such an increase of revenue to be procured?—The colonies, desolated and impoverished, will yield no revenue.—The surplusses of the sinking fund have, for many years, formed a necessary part of the current and ordinary supplies.—It must, therefore, be drawn from new taxes.—But can the kingdom bear such an increase of taxes? Or, if it can, where shall we find a surplus for discharging an enormous debt of above 160 millions? And what will be our condition, when the next foreign war shall add two millions per annum more to our expences?—Indeed this is a frightful prospect. But it will be rendered infinitely more frightful by carrying our views to that increase of the power of the Crown which will arise from the increase of the army, from the disposal of new places without number, and the patronage of the whole continent of North-America.
These consequences have been stated moderately on the supposition, that we shall succeed in subduing America; and that, while we are doing it, our natural enemies will neglect the opportunity offered them, and continue to satisfy themselves with assisting America indirectly.—But should the contrary happen.—I need not say what will follow.
Some time ago this horrid danger might have been avoided, and the colonies kept by the easiest means.—By a prudent lenity and moderation.—By receiving their petitions.—By giving up the right we claim to dispose of their property, and to alter their governments.—By guarantying to them, in these respects, a legislative independence;[94] and establishing them in the possession of equal liberty with ourselves.—This a great and magnanimous nation should have done. This, since the commencement of hostilities, would have brought them back to their former habits of respect and subordination; and might have bound them to us for ever.
Montesquieu has observed, that England, in planting colonies, should have commerce, not dominion, in view; the increase of dominion being incompatible with the security of public liberty.—Every advantage that could arise from commerce they have offered us without reserve; and their language to us has been—“Restrict us, as much as you please, in acquiring property by regulating our trade for your advantage; but claim not the disposal of that property after it has been acquired.—Be satisfied with the authority you exercised over us before the present reign.—Place us where we were in 1763.”—On these terms they have repeatedly sued for a reconciliation. In return, we have denounced them Rebels; and with our fleets in their ports, and our bayonets at their breasts, have left them no other alternative than to acknowledge our supremacy, and give up rights they think most sacred; or stand on the defensive, and appeal to heaven.—They have chosen the latter.
In this situation, if our feelings for others do not make us tremble, our feelings for ourselves soon may.—Should we suffer the consequences I have intimated, our pride will be humbled.—We shall admire the plans of moderation and equity which, without bloodshed or danger, would have kept America.—We shall wish for the happiness of former times; and remember, with anguish, the measures which many of us lately offered their lives and fortunes to support.
I must not conclude these observations, without taking particular notice of a charge against the colonies, which has been much insisted on.—“They have, it is said, always had independency in view; and it is this, chiefly, that has produced their present resistance.”—It is scarcely possible there should be a more unreasonable charge. Without all doubt, our connexion with them might have been preserved for ages to come, (perhaps for ever) by wise and liberal treatment. Let any one read a pamphlet published in 1761, by Dr. Franklin, and entitled, The interest of Great Britain with respect to her Colonies; and let him deny this if he can.—Before the present quarrel, there prevailed among them the purest affection for this country, and the warmest attachment to the House of Hanover. And since the present quarrel begun, and not longer ago than the beginning of last winter, independency was generally dreaded among them. There is the fullest evidence for this; and all who are best acquainted with America, must know it to be true. As a specimen of this evidence, and of the temper of America till the period I have mentioned, I will just recite the following facts.
In the resolutions of the Assembly, which met at Philadelphia, July 15, 1774, after making the strongest professions of affection to Britain, and duty to their sovereign, they declare their abhorrence of every idea of an unconstitutional independence on the parent state.—An assembly of delegates from all the towns of the county of Suffolk (of which Boston is the capital) delivered in September 1774, to General Gage, a remonstrance against fortifying Boston-neck. In this remonstrance, they totally disclaim every wish of independence.—The same is done in the instructions given by the several colonies to the first deputies chosen for a general Congress.—In the petition of the first Congress to the King, they declare they shall always, carefully and zealously, endeavour to support and maintain their connexion with Great Britain. In the memorial of the same Congress to the people of this country, they repeat this assurance.—In the order of the Congress, which met in May 1775, for a general fast, they call upon all America to unite in beseeching the Almighty to avert the judgments with which they were threatened, and to bless their rightful Sovereign, that so a reconciliation might be brought about with the parent state.—And in their declaration setting forth the causes of their taking arms, they warn us, “that, should they find it necessary, foreign assistance was undoubtedly attainable;” but at the same time declare, “that they did not mean to dissolve the union which had so long and so happily subsisted between them and this country; that necessity had not yet driven them to that desperate measure, or induced them to excite any other nation to war against us; and that they had not raised armies with ambitious designs of forming independent states, but solely for the protection of their property against violence, and the defence of that freedom which was their birth-right.”—In the instructions, delivered Nov. 9, 1775, by a committee of the representatives of the province of Pensylvania, to their delegates in the third general congress; they enjoin them, in behalf of the province, “utterly to reject any propositions, should such be made, that might lead to a separation from the mother country.”