Lord G[ran]by.
Lord G[ran]by. Conscious of my own inability, and sinking under the sense of my little knowledge or experience, totally unprovided with any ideas for the present occasion, and absolutely ignorant not only of the forms but even the modes of proceeding in this house, may I, Sir, in this state of imbecility, be permitted to take the lead on this first and most important day of the session? May I, Sir, all unequal to so arduous a task, be allowed to dictate, if not to the whole house, at least to this side of it, the proper and only constitutional method of compelling ministers to furnish us with the means of discovering some errors in their conduct; and to enable us to demonstrate to the nation at large their total incapacity for filling the places which they now hold?—There was a time, Sir, when this side of the house would not tamely acquiesce in so dangerous a precedent as any minister’s retaining his office for the unconstitutional duration of seven years. Have we forgot, Sir, the great name of Pulteny? Pulteny, Sir! the virtuous Pulteny! Pulteny, the wonder of the age! Pulteny, that steady Patriot, whose Herculean eloquence overcame the Hydra of corruption! or have we forgot, Sir, that inestimable character of our own times, whose virtues compelled the admiration of this profligate age; whose memory excites the veneration of every patriot mind? Let it not be objected that these illustrious characters were dazzled by the splendour of a coronet: I will not answer such frivolous remarks:—Sir, I wander from the question: Yet let me remind this House, that those great patriots were ever foremost in taking that part which now falls to my lot. They, Sir, were ever ready to awaken the fears, and rouze the apprehensions, of the Country Gentlemen; and that, Sir, is my object:—They, Sir, compelled Admnstr[a]t[io]n to disclose the inmost recess of official iniquity; and that, Sir, that is also my intention. Sir, with this view, I shall humbly move you, that in place of the present Address, which I cannot but consider as the selfish panegyric of Admnstr[a]t[io]n, immediately after the general expressions of respect for his M[ajest]y, the following words may be substituted, in order to our acquiring that full and comprehensive knowledge of public affairs, which is so indispensably necessary at the opening of this interesting and important session of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt.
“Your faithful C[o]mm[o]ns, deeply impressed with a sense of your M[ajest]y’s unwearied anxiety to promote the dignity and glory of Great Britain, cannot but lament the many unhappy circumstances which have conspired to disturb your M[ajest]y’s happiness, and to prejudice the interests and honour of this country. When we find that the most liberal supplies for our naval equipments have as yet produced none of those happy effects which might reasonably have been expected to be derived from so powerful an armament, particularly under the direction of an officer of experienced conduct and courage, we cannot but express our serious apprehensions of some fatal misconduct, either on the part of Administration, by forming indecisive and contradictory instructions for the direction of the Navy, or, in the particular department for naval affairs, of some misapplication of those liberal supplies, which, if wisely and faithfully applied, could not have failed, under divine providence, and your M[ajest]y’s wisdom, of obtaining the most salutary effects.
For these reasons, we, your M[ajest]y’s most faithful C[o]mm[o]ns, most humbly intreat your M[ajest]y to order the proper Officers to lay before the House, copies of the secret instructions for the conduct of the Fleet commanded by Admiral K[e]pp[e]l—estimates of the quantity of ballast used in the several ships of the division of the fleet commanded by Admiral K[e]pp[e]l—bills of parcel of the number of square yards of sail-cloth, together with samples of ditto, intended to be used in the division of the Fleet commanded by Vice Admiral Sir Hgh P[a]lls[e]r—succinct accounts of the quota of biscuits, and ratio of salt-beef distributed in the Fleet—faithful transcripts of the several Log-Books of each vessel—abstracts of all letters, notes, and messages that passed and repassed, off Ushant, between the Admirals and Phlp St[e]v[e]ns, Esq. during the course of last summer—and, finally, minute copies of all accounts unsettled or passed, open or closed, paid or unpaid, between the Commissioners of the Navy, and all sorts of Manufacturers, Sailors, Contractors, &c. &c. &c. employed by them for these twenty years last past⸺It is from a minute investigation of these important papers, that your M[ajest]y’s most faithful C[o]mm[o]ns can alone derive just grounds for censure or exculpation. And, however laborious this investigation may prove, we, your M[ajest]y’s most faithful C[o]mm[o]ns, beg leave to assure your M[ajest]y, we shall most readily devote our utmost attention to so salutary a study, in order to promote a quick dispatch of public business at this momentous and aweful crisis, and to give vigour and effect to those measures which your M[ajest]y, in your great wisdom, may think necessary to secure the safety, interest, and honour of Great Britain.”
Such, Sir, is the amendment which I have the honour to offer to the consideration of this house. It will immediately strike you, Sir, that in the accounts which I propose to have submitted to the investigation of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt, I have avoided asking for one scrap of paper that is not absolutely necessary to be seen and thoroughly studied by the House. Should it, however, appear necessary to Gentlemen to add to the list of these official documents, I am sure I shall not oppose such an improvement to the motion, to whatever quantity it may extend.
Mr. G[eor]g[e] Stt[o]n.
Mr. G[eo]rg[e] Stt[o]n seconded the motion for the amendment, beginning with a similar acknowledgement of his incapacity, his inexperience and ignorance of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry affairs; declining therefore to enter into any further argument, the subject having been discussed in so full and able a manner by his most noble cousin.
Mr. W[e]lb[o]re Ells.
Mr. W[e]lb[o]re Ells, in reply, threw out many sagacious and novel observations. He said that he highly commended the caution and circumspection of the noble Lord, but, that in his opinion, a more proper time would arrive, about six months after Christmas, for entering into the details proposed by the Amendment; as, at that period, Administration would certainly have more leisure for furnishing the papers now called for.
He very properly observed, that selecting these few curious articles of political intelligence from a variety of miscellaneous papers, would require some short time, together with no small degree of discernment, not to mention several thousands of extra clerks. He said, he had taken the trouble to make a most serious investigation into the Journals, the Votes, the Debates, and all the P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry Records of this country; and he was free to say, that notwithstanding it might at first appear rather a novel idea, yet it was his opinion, that The Address on the first day was a matter of compliment. Nay, touching the matter before him, (and weighty and powerful indeed it was) after the most mature and serious deliberation, daily and nightly, he would for once venture to hazard a rhetorical, a figurative expression, to wit, that the Address was an eccho, as it were, a complimentary eccho, of his M[ajest]y’s most gracious speech.—He hinted, that, if any Gentleman wished for particular enquiries, he would, as an old Member, long conversant with the forms of the House, tell him, that certainly a Committee might be appointed to carry on any public enquiry; and he believed such Committees were not unfrequent.—And here he remarked, that, from all his researches, it appeared to him, that the constitution of this country was of a triple nature—Kng—L[o]rds—and C[o]mm[o]ns—that, these three opposite and repelling powers, reciprocally ballanced and counteracted each other; at the same time that they contributed to the proportion and harmony of the whole.—He took occasion to observe, that freedom of Debate was clearly a P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry privilege, and he would pledge himself to prove that every Member in that House was a representative of his constituents.