For these reasons, he concluded with dissenting from the Amendment as trite, abstruse, dangerous, and frivolous.
D[a]vd H[a]rtly, Esq.
D[a]vd H[a]rtly, Esq.[3] observed, that these were no times for flattery and empty adulation.—For his part, he should enter at large into the rise and origin of all Colonies, ancient and modern, into the history of Taxation, and its effects on every state that had exercised it over its colonies; and then review the cause, commencement, and conduct of the whole American war. He felt how arduous, how complicated a task this must prove to himself, and how difficult for the House to understand. That, to lessen that difficulty, both to the House and to himself, he would adopt the most logical method to give clearness and perspicuity to such a multitude and diversity of ideas; and for that purpose, he begged Gentlemen to take notice, that he should divide his speech into four and twenty grand divisions, each of which should contain as many subdivisions, which subdivisions should also be separately discussed in equal number of sections, each section to be split also into the same number of heads; so that with grand divisions, subdivisions, sections, and heads, the number of distinct propositions would amount to several thousands; but that Gentlemen, by attending closely, and correctly taking down the number of any particular argument, should have an immediate explicit answer to any query touching that individual number: and he flattered himself this numerical logic and arithmetic of eloquence would greatly tend to clarify their understandings.
To follow this gentleman thro’ even one of his grand divisions, was a task much beyond the utmost rapidity of a short-hand writer. Indeed the noise from all parts of the house was so excessive, during the several hours which he engrossed in this laborious harangue, that it was totally impossible to catch up any thing beyond the mutilated fragments, and ruins of his oratory. At length however the house sunk into a sudden calm, upon the disclosure of a fact, which seemed to startle even the wildest zealots of faction.—For, after every other argument was exhausted to so little purpose, inflamed by disappointment, and hurried, as we are willing to suppose, by the violence of patriotism, the Honourable Gentleman avowed to the House, that one of his grounds for denouncing ruin to his country was his private knowledge of Dr. Franklyn’s sentiments on that head.[4] “Dr. Franklyn (he exclaimed) the Cromwell of his age, Dr. Franklyn, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from America to France, is my most intimate and most cordial friend!”⸺He went on by declaring, he had passed great part of the summer at Paris, with Dr. Franklyn, in the most unreserved communication of sentiments and facts; and he concluded with repeating, as the joint result of his own and Dr. Franklin’s deliberation, that the glory of England was destroyed for ever!⸺This extraordinary confession produced however no violent effect. Ministers seemed to receive it with a contemptuous pity, not unmingled with ridicule,[5] when Mr. W[ilke]s, finding the little success of serious treason, rose, and indulged himself in the more ludicrous stile of it.
Mr. W[ilke]s.
Mr. W[ilke]s[6] adverted with some degree of humour to the inference of victory and triumph which might be deduced from the return of our Generals and our Admirals, and one of our commissioners too. They found (he said) that being on the spot interrupted their manœuvres, and he supposed they were come three thousand miles off to act cooly. That, the object they were sent to accomplish was confessedly a great one; and it is well known, that objects of a certain magnitude are best contemplated at a distance. Probably, their optics were too tender to distinguish with accuracy amidst the smoak and confusion incident to actual engagements; or perhaps, they reflected on the more imminent dangers of domestic invasion, and hastened home from pure patriotism to guard their native country.—At any rate, he must compliment their discernment in pursuing a line of conduct, which could not fail of conciliating the good opinion and sympathetic regard of the Noble Lord, who presided in the American department. If therefore, Mr. Speaker, by any miraculous change, I were, this day, to become the Advocate of Administration, I should mark the inutility of recurring to the written evidence, which the Amendment calls for, at a moment when we are so copiously provided with vivâ voce testimony. Yet, Sir, I do not think, upon reflexion, that Ministers will adopt this ground for rejecting the noble Lord’s Amendment. They, Sir, will more boldly tell you—you shall have neither,—for, in these times, it is the fashion for all modern Statesmen, first to tell their own story, and then protest solemnly against being cross-examined—or directly, or indirectly, answering question, query, or otherwise. I believe I am accurate in my quotation.—I am not indeed surprized at these declarations of obstinate silence—this is Scottish policy—the example was set by my good old friend, the E[a]rl of Bte—for therein I am orthodox in my faith, that the Son is equal to the Father; and I am sure I may add with Athanasian zeal, the father is incomprehensible, and the Son is incomprehensible, yet there are not two incomprehensibles, but one incomprehensible.
(Here a confused cry of order, and the Chaplain reprimanded for laughing.)