Anticipation

by Richard Tickell

There is indeed one North Briton of whom I entertain a better hope.—He seems to have caught that itch for liberty, which, to our great wonder, broke out in the Highlands last summer. He, Sir, even in the character of his M[ajest]y’s Commissi[o]ner, solicited the intimacy of General Washington. But indeed, Sir, if ever a Scotchman can be suspected of loving liberty, it is not when he has recently become a convert to Administration: Washington therefore sent his Excellency, the worthy Commissioner, a flat refusal.—Mr. Laurens too refused his Excellency the hearing he so generously solicited by imploring Congress, “not to follow the example of Brt[ai]n in the hour of her insolence;” the hearing was however refused, nay even the “sight of the country,” and “the sight of its worthy patriots” was peremptorily refused. The Americans, Sir, think that a Scotchman has neither eyes nor ears for liberty, or, at least, they distrusted the capacity of his Excellency’s organs for such an object.—I have a letter, Sir, in my pocket from my honest friend Ethan Allen; I would read it, but I am sure you won’t let me: He knows I am fond of scripture quotations, and tells me Congress would have given your Scotch commissioner this hearing, but they knew “he was like unto the deaf adder, who regardeth not the voice of the charmer.”

Let me then trouble his Excellency with one question; who was it suggested this secret correspondence with the enemy? was it not the Scottish secretary of this wise commission, Dr. Adam Ferguson? It must have been one of Sir John Dalrymple’s associates in literature. The Scotch, if they can get no Englishman to act, as they pretend to say the great Sidney did, will make even their own countrymen treacherous in one age, to furnish some literary assassin of the next with the foul vouchers of treachery and baseness. At all events, Sir, I shall heartily give my vote for the amendment, as the only means to convict the Mnstry of what I know they are guilty, weakness, incapacity, ignorance, obstinacy, baseness, and treachery.

Governor J[o]hns[o]n.

Governor J[o]hns[o]n[7] now rose, and said every thing that a Gentleman in his melancholly situation could be supposed to urge. Spoke much of the want of candour in putting a false construction on his actions, which he could assure the House, upon his honour, were all dictated by the best intentions; that he should not undertake to enter into a full defence of his conduct at present, as it was a very delicate business, and turned upon a very nice chain of circumstances. One part of the charges against him he would slightly touch upon, his letters, and what he supposed was meant to be hinted at, his attempts of bribery. That the artful policy of France had made it necessary for him to parry her attacks by similar weapons; that he believed it was felt and would be admitted by all parts of that House, that there is no greater spring of public actions, in all political assemblies, than self-interest. That he felt himself justified in his own mind for every step he had taken, for he would venture to affirm, that in every negociation true wisdom and sound policy justified the moral fitness of secret articles, and the honourable expediency of powerful temptations. As to the failure of success, on the part of the commissioners, various causes had concurred to occasion it. They were sent to treat of peace with a retreating army. Philadelphia, the chief residence of the moderate men, and most friendly to their negociation, was evacuated by the army, on the Commissioners arrival. A little after they had got to New-York, Mons. D’Estaign was upon the coast. These circumstances gave spirits to a declining cause; and America, in this hour of her insolence, refused to treat, unless her independence was specifically acknowledged.

What followed afterwards is a very serious business, indeed; but I trust I shall be pardoned by a noble Lord opposite to me, high in character, and in the esteem of his country, if I freely say, as my opinion, that Monsieur D’Estaign’s fleet ought to have been attacked by the Brtsh at Rhode-Island, as soon as the French came out of the harbour to fight them. And I will further say, considering the spirit, the gallantry, and the heroism of the British Seamen, the inequality of the force of the fleets was not sufficient to justify the not attacking the French fleet, without waiting a length of time to gain the weather guage, and trusting so long as the Englsh fleet did there to an unruly element. Sir, in the actions in the West-Indies, between the English and French fleets, last war, where the former were greatly inferior both in number and weight of metal, the French were beat off and obliged to fly for it. So, in the case of the Monmouth, the Dorsetshire, and several other instances, inferiority in the outset of the contest proved victorious in the end. I will not, however, dwell upon matters which merely depend upon opinion, and upon which the best officer in the world may be mistaken. But, Sir, after the tempest at Rhode-Island, when the Noble Lord returned to New-York to refit, was not time lost? the very time that might have been employed in separating D’Estaign from Boston harbour? I might say, Sir, in the defeat of D’Estaign; for, after the arrival of some of B[y]r[o]n’s squadron, the Noble Lord was superior to him.⸺It is a very unpleasant task to speak out, but I cannot avoid giving my opinion as a seaman, and as one upon the spot, acquainted with the delays in this business.

Upon the whole, Sir, my opinion, in a very few words is this: The violent and impolitic measures of the Mnstry of this country first lost America⸺the Brtsh army might have regained it⸺and our fleet has lost more than one opportunity of crushing that of France, upon which American resistance chiefly depended for protection and support.

Lord H[o]we.

Lord H[o]we and Mr. Rgby now rose; but the house appearing inclined to give the former an immediate opportunity to reply, Mr. Rgby sat down, and Lord H[o]we, in very modest yet pointed terms, remarked on the unfairness which, he must say, the Honourable Gentleman who spoke last, had discovered both in the design and manner of his speech. That, first, to avoid entering into the motives and principles of his own conduct, as being more proper objects for a particular committee of enquiry, and then to launch out into vague and desultory accusations of any other person, was inconsistent, and, he was sorry to add, illiberal. That whatever prejudices those reflections were intended to create against his conduct, he would not then interrupt the business of the day, and the more general subjects of the present debate, but trust to the candour of the house for suspending their opinion, until the whole of his conduct might be minutely investigated by a committee appointed for that purpose; which committee, he himself should be the first man in that house to solicit, nay demand.

Mr. Rgby.