The EDITORS.
Considerations on the Peace,
As far as it is relative to the
Colonies, and the African Trade.
SINCE the preliminary articles of peace were published by authority, we have heard many persons in coffee-houses and other places, censure and blame our negotiators, for their not having obtained better terms.
They say, that our acquisitions in North America are of little consequence: yet when these acquisitions were in possession of our enemies, they thought them of inestimable value. Can the mere alienation of any property cause so sudden a diminution of its original worth? Surely then pique or dislike to some of our peace-makers, or private interest to have the war continued, must have hurried these men beyond the bounds of reason. For if they would give themselves the least time to reflect seriously, and judge dispassionately, they would find, that by retaining our conquests in North America (which are extended beyond our most sanguine expectations) the greatest benefit and utility must arise to this the mother-country; inasmuch as we have put ourselves in such a situation not only in the north, but also in the southern parts, that it is to be hoped our inland settlers will live in a perfect state of tranquillity; and his majesty’s subjects carry on and cultivate that great branch of the British commerce, without dread of the Indians, or interruption from the subjects of any foreign nation. This good effect surely must be allowed to be of immense importance and advantage to Great Britain; and would not have been the case if we had kept the sugar colonies ceded to France, instead of part of our continental conquests.
What was the occasion of the war but the negotiators of the last peace not settling the distinct limits and boundaries of the territories we and the French were to have in North America? We rejoice those limits are now settled, and hope so effectually as to prevent future disputes.
Among the many altercations concerning the preliminary articles, and the abilities of our negotiators, it must be allowed, with respect to the commercial interest of this country, there is a noble Lord in high office, and of the cabinet, whole acknowledged capacity, great application, and long experience, at a board where he so judiciously and eminently presided, made him a most competent judge what measures were proper to be taken for the security, improvement, and extension of the trade and commerce of Great-Britain and her colonies. Therefore, we cannot doubt, but his majesty has been well and faithfully advised as to that part of our pacific negotiations; because the patriotic spirit, honour and integrity of that nobleman are universally known and approved. It is not amiss to lay down as a maxim, that in general the information of merchants is not to be depended on by the legislature, with respect to trade and commerce, for many other, besides this principal reason; to wit—A trade may be very profitable to a particular merchant, city or town, and, at the same time, be very pernicious to the general interest of the nation, is a most notorious fact. Have we not heard many falsehoods asserted, and seen many erroneous calculations laid before the public, with an interested view of obtaining such private ends, and of defeating in some very essential points the public welfare?
Whatever self-interested people may clamour to the contrary, there cannot be a doubt but his majesty and his ministers, in their negociations, have given the most serious attention to the universal good of this country, without confining their views, or partially regarding whether North America is more valuable than the Sugar Islands, because each merited their notice and care, being both of inestimable value to the mother-country, and reciprocally so to each other; and all three so essentially connected, that whatever happens to the disadvantage of the one, must in proportion affect the other. For the West India islands depend upon North America, in a great measure, for provisions, mill, and other timber; as well as for horses, cattle, and many things absolutely necessary for the use of the plantations; which are paid for in specie, sugar, rum, melasses, and other plantation-produce: moreover, the melasses being distilled into rum in North America, are of great advantage to the merchants there, in carrying on the African trade directly from thence, which enables them to make returns for those manufactures, &c. they receive from hence with greater facility. All possible care should be taken to prevent his majesty’s subjects purchasing sugar, rum, and particularly melasses, in the French islands, by prohibiting their importation into North America, by laying a higher duty upon those articles than that laid by an act, made in the sixth year of his late majesty’s reign, entitled, “An act for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his majesty’s sugar colonies, &c.” whereby such high duties were laid on all foreign sugars, rums, and melasses, to be imported into any of his majesty’s colonies in America, as, it was thought, would answer all the ends of a prohibition.