Some Account of the Ancient State of the City of Palmyra, with short Remarks upon the Inscriptions found there. By E. Halley.
The City of Tadmor, whose Remains in Ruins do with so much evidence demonstrate the once happy Condition thereof, seems very well to be proved to be the same City which Solomon the great King of Israel is said to have founded under that Name in the Desart, both in 1 Kings 9. 18. and 2 Chron. 8. 16. in the Translation of which, the Vulgar Latin Version, said to be that of St. Jerom, has it, Condidit Palmyram in Deserto. And Josephus (in lib. 8. Antiq. Jud. wherein he treats of Solomon and his Acts) tell us, that he Built a City in the Desart, and called it Thadamora; and the Syrians at this Day (says he) call it by the same Name; but the Greeks name it Palmyra. The Name is therefore Greek, and consequently has no relation to the Latin Palma, and seems rather derived from Παλμυός or Πάλμυς, which Hesychius Interprets βασιλεὺς πατὴρ: or perhaps from Παλμύτης, which (according to the same Author) was an Egyptian God. Neither is the Word תרמר but תמר that in Hebrew signifies a Palm-Tree.
History is silent as to the Fate and Circumstances of this City, during the great Revolutions in the several Empires of the East; but it may well be supposed, that so advanced a Garrison as this was, being above three hundred Miles from Jerusalem, continued not long in the Possession of the Jews, who immediately after Solomon, fell into Civil Dissention, and divided their Force: so that it is not to be doubted, but that it submitted to the Babylonian and Persian Monarchies, and afterwards to the Macedonians under Alexander and the Seleucidæ. But when the Romans got footing into these Parts, and the Parthians seemed to put a stop to their farther Conquests in the East, then was this City of Palmyra, by reason of its Situation, being a Frontier, and in the midst of a vast Sandy Desart, where Armies could not well subsist to reduce it by Force, courted and caressed by the contending Princes, and permitted to continue a Free State, a Mart or Staple for Trade, for the Convenience of both Empires, as is abundantly made out from the Words of Appian and Pliny.
Appian (lib. 5. de Bellis Civil.) tells us, that M. Antonius, after his Victory at Philippi, about forty Years before Christ, sent his Horse to Plunder the City of Palmyra, pretending only that they were not sufficiently in the Roman Interest. ὅτι Ρωμαίων καὶ Παρθυαίων ὄντες ἔφοροι ἐς ἑκατέρας ἐπιδεξίως εἶχον, and that being Merchants, they conveyed the Indian and Arabian Commodities by the way of Persia into the Roman Territories; though the true reason were their Riches: But the Palmyrenes being informed of the Design, took care to prevent them, and so escaped Plunder: And this Attempt of Antony's occasioned a Rupture between the two Empires. The Words of Pliny (lib. 5. Nat. Hist.) above an hundred Years after, do likewise testifie that this City then continued in the same Enjoyment of their Liberties. They being very much to the purpose, I thought fit to Copy them: Palmyra Urbs nobilis situ, divitiis soli atque aquis amœnis, vasto undique ambitu arinis includit agros, ac velut terris exempta à rerum Natura; privata sorte inter duo imperia summa Romanorum Parthorumque, & prima in discordia semper utrinque cura. Whereby it appears not only that it was a Common-wealth in the time of Vespasian; but the situation thereof is truly described, as it were an Island of fertile Land, surrounded with a Sea of barren Sands. Such Spots Strabo tells us were frequent in Lybia, and by the Egyptians were called Abases; whence possibly the Name of the Abassyne Nation is derived.
With these Advantages of Freedom, Neutrality and Trade, for near two Centuries, 'tis not strange that it acquired the State and Wealth answerable to the Magnificence of these noble Structures. But when the Romans under Trajan had made it appear, that there was no comparison between the Puissance of the Parthians and them, (Trajan having taken Babylon and Ctesiphon the then Seat of the Parthian Empire,) the Palmyreni were at length determined to Declare for the Romans; which they did, by submitting themselves to the Emperor Adrian, about the Year of Christ 130, when Adrian made his Progress through Syria into Egypt. And that Magnificent Emperor being highly delighted with the native Strength and Situation of the Place, was pleased to adorn and rebuild it: When, as 'tis likely, he bestowed on it the Privileges of a Colony Juris Italici, which it enjoyed (as Ulpian assures us.) And the Inhabitants of the City, in Gratitude, were willing to call themselves Hadrianopolitæ, ἐπικτισθείσης τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος (says Stephanus.) Nor is it unlikely that many of those Marble Pillars were the Gift of that Emperor, and particularly those of the Long Porticus; for that none of the Inscriptions are before that Date. And it was usual for the Cæsars to present Cities that had obliged them, with Marble Pillars to adorn their Publick Buildings. These here were not far to fetch, the Neighbouring Mountains affording Marble-Quarries: But the Magnitude of the Porphyry Columns is indeed very remarkable, considering how far those vast Stones must have been brought by Land-carriage to this Place; it being not known that any other Quarries yield it, except those of Egypt, which lie about mid-way between Cairo and Siena, between the Nile and the Red-Sea: The Stone being very valuable for its Colour and Hardness, and so that it rises in Blocks of any magnitude required; Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt Lapidicinæ, (Plin. lib. 36.) And it is a great mistake of those who suppose it fictitious.
From the time of Adrian to that of Aurelian, for about an hundred and forty Years, this City continued to flourish and encrease in Wealth and Power, to that degree, that when the Emperor Valerian was taken Prisoner by Sapores King of Persia, Odænathus one of the Lords of this Town (which Name occurs in several of these Inscriptions) was able (whilst Gallienus neglected his Duty both to his Father and Country) to bring a powerful Army into the Field, and to recover Mesopotamia from the Persians, and to penetrate as far as their Capital City Ctesiphon. Thereby rendring so considerable Service to the Roman State, that Gallienus thought himself obliged to give him a share in the Empire: Of which Action, Trebellius Pollio (in the Life of Gallienus) has these Words, Laudatur ejus (Gallieni) optimum factum, qui, Odenatum participato Imperio Augustum vocavit, ejusque monetam, qua Persas captos traheret, cudi jussit: quod & Senatus & Urbs & omnis ætas gratanter accepit. The same in many Places speaks of this Odænathus with great Respect; and mentioning his Death, he says, Iratum fuisse Deum Reip. credo, qui interfecto Valeriano noluit Odenatum reservare. But by a strange reverse of Fortune, this Honour and Respect to Odænathus occasioned the sudden Ruin and Subversion of the City. For he and his Son Herodes being murder'd by Mæonius their Kinsman, and dying with the Title of Augustus, his Wife Zenobia, in Right of her Son Waballathus then a Minor, pretended to take upon her the Government of the East, and did administer it to admiration: And when soon after Gallienus was murder'd by his Soldiers, she grasped the Government of Egypt, and held it during the short Reign of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus. But Aurelian coming to the Imperial Dignity, would not suffer the Title of Augustus in this Family, tho' he was contented that they should hold under him as Vice Cæsaris; as plainly appears by the Latin Coins of Aurelian on the one side, and Waballathus (which Name is often found in these Inscriptions) on the other, with these Letters V. C. R. IM. OR., which P. Harduin has most judiciously interpreted Vice Cæsaris Rector Imperii Orientis, but without the Title of Cæsar or Augustus, and with a Laurel instead of a Diadem. But both Waballathus and Zenobia are stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ in the Greek Coins, made, 'tis probable, within their own Jurisdiction. Two of the Latin I have seen, and they are as described, excepting the Points.
But nothing less than a Participation of the Empire contenting Zenobia, and Aurelian persisting not to have it dismembered: He marched against her, and having in two Battles routed her Forces, he shut her up and Besieged her in Palmyra: And the Besieged finding that the great resistance they made, availed not against that resolute Emperor, they yielded the Town; and Zenobia flying with her Son, was pursued and taken: With which Aurelian being contented, spared the City, and leaving a small Garrison, march'd for Rome with this Captive Lady: But the Inhabitants believing he would not return, set up again for themselves, and (as Vopiscus has it) slew the Garrison he had left in the Place. Which Aurelian understanding, tho' by this time he was gotten into Europe, with his usual fierceness, speedily returned; and collecting a sufficient Army by the way, he again took the City without any great Opposition, and put it to the Sword, with an uncommon Cruelty, as he himself confesses in a Letter (extant in Vopiscus), and delivered them to the Pillage of his Soldiers. And it is observable, that none of the Greek Inscriptions are after the date of this Calamity, which befell the City in or about the Year of Christ 272, as far as may be collected, after it had been nine or ten Years the Seat of the Empire of the East, not without Glory.