In this appears also the great utility of Coins to illustrate Matters of History; for by them alone 'tis made out, that there was such a Prince as Waballathus, Vopiscus singly mentioning him by the Name of Balbatus. And from the same Coins it appears, that Odænathus had the Title of Augustus four Years, and Waballathus six at least; and that the first Year of Aurelian was the fourth of Waballathus. And by the Testimony of Pollio, Odænathus was declared Emperor of the East, Gallieno & Saturnino Coss. which was Anno Christi 263, and died before Gallienus, but in the same Year, viz. Anno 267, which, by the Coins, was the first of Waballathus. He therefore immediately succeeded Odænathus, and was without doubt his Eldest Son by Zenobia, and not his Grandson the Son of Herodes, as some learned Men have supposed: For if Zenobia could not endure that Herodes Son of Odænathus by a former Wife, should succeed his Father in prejudice to her Children, and for that reason was consenting to his Murther (as Pollio intimates in Herodes and Mæonius,) much less would she endure the Title of Augustus in the Son of Herodes, especially when her own Sons were, as 'tis probable, elder than such Grandson. So that 'tis most likely that Herennianus and Timolaus, whom Pollio reckons among his XXX Tyrants, might be the Younger Sons of Zenobia, on whom also, out of Motherly Affection, she might bestow the same Titles of Honour.
But it must be observed, that in the Greek Coins, this Prince's Name is usually written ΑΥΤ. ΕΡΜΙΑΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΟΥ (as Tristan says he found it upon several Medals,) but Patin has the last Word only ΑΘΗ. I should be glad to peruse some of these curious Coins, especially if found in or near Palmyra: but I am inclinable to believe that his true Name was Æranes Waballathus (as was one of his Progenitors, in Inscription Pag. 91.) though perhaps the remoter Cities of Asia and Ionia might by mistake write it Hermias. And 'tis probable that ΑΘΗΝ might be for the first Letters of the Name of ΟΔΗΝΑΘΟΣ, which in Syriack begun with an Aleph; and the Δ was with those People used instead of Θ, as we see the Month Xanthicus, written Ξανδικὸς in many of these Inscriptions, which doubtless was pronounced like D blæsum or the Saxon D.
Though this City were at that time so roughly treated by Aurelian, yet it is certain that he did not burn it, or destroy the Buildings thereof: And though Zosimus, on this occasion, uses the Words τὴν πόλιν κατασκάψας, yet that seems only to relate to his demolishing the Walls and Defences of the Place; and that Emperors own Letter extant in Vopiscus, doth sufficiently shew that he spared the City it self, and that he took care to re-instate the beautiful Temple of the Sun that was there, which had been Plundered by his Soldiers. However, the Damage then sustained was never retrieved by the Inhabitants, and I do not find that ever this City made any figure in History after it: Yet the Latin Inscription, (Pag. 106.) seems to intimate, as if Dioclesian had restored their Walls within thirty Years after. About the Year of Christ 400, it was the Head Quarters of the Legio Prima Illyricorum; and though Stephanus gives it no better Title than φρούριον, yet it appears to have been an Archbishop's See, under the Metropolitan of Damascus. To say in what Age, or from what Hand it received its final Overthrow, which reduced it to the miserable Condition it now appears in, there is no light in any of our Historians; but it is probable it perish'd long since, in the obscure Ages of the World, during the Wars of the Saracen Empire; and being burnt and desolated, it was never rebuilt; which occasions the Ruins to lie so entire, in a manner as they were left, neither being used to other Structures on the Place, nor worth carrying away, because of the great distance thereof from any other City.
As to the Geographical Site of Palmyra, Ptolemy places it in the Latitude of Tripoly on the Coast of Syria, and four Degrees more Easterly, viz.
Παλμύρα. οα, ϛ′. λδ.
and he makes it the Capital of sixteen Cities in Syria Palmyrena, whereof Alalis, Danaba and Evaria were afterwards Bishops Sees. Pliny places it CCIII Miles from the nearest Coast of Syria, and CCCXXXVII from Seleucia ad Tygrim near Bagdat, (which Numbers are erroneously Printed 252 and 537 in most Editions, contrary to the Authority of the MSS.) Josephus places it one Days Journey from Euphrates, and six from Babylon; which must be understood of Horse-man's Journeys of about sixty Miles per diem, it being more than so much from this City to Euphrates. Ptolemy also mentions a River running by Palmyra, which did not appear to our Travellers, unless that Gut or Channel wherein they were overflowed by the Rain-Waters, were the Bed thereof; which may, possibly, run with a constant Stream in the Winter or times of much Rain: But this (as the Rivers of Aleppo and Damascus at this Day) is made by Ptolomy to have no exit; but to go off in Vapour, and to be imbibed by the thirsty Earth of these Desarts.
The Æra or Accompt of Years observed by the Palmyreni in these Inscriptions, is evidently that of Seleucus, call'd afterwards Dhilcarnian or Bicornis by the Arabians, and by them kept in use till above 900 Years of Christ (as appears by the Observations of Albatani, published in Numb. 204 of the Philosoph. Transact.) and not that of the Death of Alexander. This may be demonstrated from the Inscription (Pag. 101.) wherein Alexander Severus is stiled ΘΕΟΣ; that is, after the Death and Consecration of that Emperor, or after the Year of our Lord 234; and from the Name of Julius, who, when this Inscription was put up, was Præfectus Prætorio, (and could be no other than Julius Philippus Arabs who might be esteemed by the Palmyreni as their Country-man,) it follows, that it was in the last Year of Gordian Anno Christi 242 or 243: And that Emperor being soon after Murder'd by the Treachery of this Philip, who succeeded him: And his Treason coming afterwards to light, 'tis not strange that his Name was purposely effaced in this Inscription. The Date thereof, Anno 554, shews the beginning of this Accompt 311 or 312 Years before Christ, co-incident with the Æra of Seleucus, which was likewise observed by several other Cities in the East.
I shall not undertake the part of a Critick on these Inscriptions, but chuse rather to leave them to the more professedly skilful in that part of Learning, and shall only make some few Remarks on them, such as occurred whilst they pass'd through my Hands.
1. That the more ancient of these Inscriptions dated before the Year 500, do no where make use of Roman Prænomina, which yet are very frequent in them that follow; particularly Julius, Aurelius and Septimius, taken up by these People out of Respect to the Emperors that bore those Names; and consequently that Septimius Odænathus (the Inscription of whose Tomb we have, pag. 91.) was most probably the same who was afterwards Augustus. That Name growing in use in the Reign of Septimius Severus, under whom or his Son Caracalla this Odænathus was certainly Born. And this Monument being erected by him whilst he was yet a private Man; and he afterwards attaining the Imperial Dignity, it was necessary the Inscription of his Tomb (which perhaps was that single one that was all of Marble) should be changed: Upon which occasion this Stone might be brought back into the Town, and after its Destruction, be clapt up casually over the little Gate-way where now it stands.