The Medieval Latin Hymn

by Ruth Ellis Messenger

I. Origin

The problem presented by the origin of the sequence is perhaps the most difficult of all those connected with the evolution of medieval hymnology. So far the available information on the subject has never been brought together in one place. To do so is a baffling task which has by no means been completed here nor is that which follows either exhaustive or conclusive. It is merely an attempt to trace the origin and early development as far as the evidence at hand makes it possible, at the same time referring the reader to those scholars who have investigated special topics in detail.

The alleluia of the mass is the starting-point of the sequence. Inherited from the synagogue and incorporated in the Byzantine rite, it was nevertheless brought independently to Rome. The extension of the final a constituted a musical phrase, called a iubilus or iubilatio. This elaborated alleluia with iubilus is Gregorian.[1] It became necessary for the sake of breathing, to divide the extended iubilus into musical phrases, each a sequentia and the whole sequentiae. Some iubili however, remained single while others were sung by two choirs with a repetition of phrases. The next step was the composition of a text for some of the iubili, which text was written below the musical notation. Finally a text was supplied for every such melody, which resulted in the sequentia cum prosa.[2]

It is one thing to note the preceding succession of steps as objective phenomena. It is quite another to explain the origin of the idea which transformed the alleluia into the larger iubilus. This is the most obscure point in the musical development of the sequence, which, for lack of manuscript evidence cannot at present be clarified. At least three hypotheses have been offered. Arguing from the appearance of the trope, some have suggested that the iubilus is a musical interpolation just as the trope is a textual interpolation. This is quite possible but perhaps too simple for an adequate solution. A much more tempting hypothesis has appealed to a variety of scholars,—that of the introduction of Greek melodies.[3] To these students it has seemed more than probable that the intercourse between western Europe and the Byzantine realms in the reign of Charlemagne constitutes a sufficient explanation for the appearance of fresh musical themes. Again, a possibility only has been suggested. So far manuscript evidence for the Greek melodies from which the Gregorian alleluiae and their iubili are derived, has not appeared. Blume, whose treatment of the subject forms the basis of this chapter, not only questions the hypothesis of Greek melodies but he offers a third suggestion and that tentatively; Gregory, he thinks, shortened the alleluia brought over by the Greeks. When, later, a tendency was felt to elaborate the forms of worship, the longer melodies were once more revived in the sequence. This very interesting suggestion, if one day capable of proof, would harmonize the Byzantine and Gregorian influences which produced the initial extension of the final a of the alleluia.

For purposes of clearness a differentiation should be made between the musical and poetical development of the sequence as soon as the sequentia cum prosa is reached. Manifestly it is impossible to do so, in any complete fashion, where words and music are so inextricably interwoven in a common development. It is better, however, to attempt the impossible and for the present, to ignore overlappings.[4]

The origin of the word sequentia itself, in the phrase sequentia cum prosa has often been discussed because of its significance in tracing the musical development of the forms in question. To some scholars sequentia means merely sequela, i.e. notes following the a of the alleluia, a simple and tenable theory. To the great majority, however, sequentia is a translation of the Greek akoulouthia. In fact it has been generally accepted as such, although sequentia conveys the idea of continuation in the Greek word rather than its technical meaning of a continuation specifically of songs, etc. If this is valid, Greek influence upon the origin of the sequence is inferred.[5] Another form of the theory of Greek influence is evident in the suggestion that sequentia means hirmos, that is, a regular continuation of tones. Hirmos may refer to poetry also.[6] A derivation of sequentia from Greek terms, if proven, would of course, buttress the theory of Byzantine influence upon the whole development; but the weakness of the derivation from akoulouthia, for example, is its dependence upon a misunderstanding of the Greek form of worship to which the word applies.[7] An entirely different suggestion as to origin arises from the formula used in the liturgy to announce the Gospel, Sequentia Sancti Evangelii secundum etc.[8] Often some practical consideration, extraneous condition or unrelated incidental circumstance has affected liturgical change or development. Consequently, even a slight suggestion like this provokes thought.

Whatever may be the correct origin of the word sequentia the place of origin of the sequence is generally conceded to have been France sometime in the eighth century. The part played by other lands in the origin of the sequentia cum prosa cannot be wholly determined at present. It must suffice to study the evidence available. It has been demonstrated how the early French sequences have a closer tie with the alleluia and how the word is sometimes retained to introduce the prosae which accompany the music. There is considerable evidence supporting French priority over the Germans in the creation of these new musical forms, the chief centers of composition being St. Martial, Luxeuil, Fleury-sur-Loire, and Moissac, the outstanding rival of St. Martial. An origin for the sequence in France is independently probable due to the interest in liturgical music stimulated by Charlemagne, who, as shown in the preceding chapter, favored Gregorian and Byzantine innovations at the expense of Gallican forms.

One of the suggestions mentioned to account for the original lengthening of the alleluia in the iubilus is connected with the trope. The word has long been defined as a textual interpolation.[9] Gastoué, however, contends that it was originally and primarily musical, a vocalization in the existing chant and that it was created in the music school. The ancient form of trope is a neuma triplex added to the response In medio etc. for the Feast of St. John the Apostle, or to Descendit de caelis for Christmas. This vocalism is described by Amalarius of Metz and indeed Metz may be its place of origin. Alcuin has been named as the possible originator, a theory strengthened by the fact that Amalarius was one of his pupils.[10] At any rate Amalarius seems to have been the first to call the melody following the alleluia, a sequentia,[11] from which it is evident that the iubili must have been regarded in some other light prior to his writing. The sequentia in connection with the alleluia may very reasonably have been considered a trope, since vocalisms like these had already appeared elsewhere in rites of worship, and sequences in addition to those which belong to the alleluia of the mass have been found in antiphonaries. To repeat, Gastoué describes a musical interpolation or trope originating in the music schools of the Franks and appearing in various liturgical settings. He likens the iubilus to a trope which Amalarius called a sequentia. The original divisions created by the musical phrases in the iubilus now appear in a series, each repeated a certain number of times with introduction and conclusion and thus the completed sequence structure comes into being. The germ of its formal construction, Gastoué finds in certain Gregorian sources. The ancient alleluia, Justus ut palma florebit, shows such characteristics and reveals the liturgical Latin origin of the sequence, its melody going back to the versus alleluiaticus.

In spite of the evidence which would make the sequence a native musical product of western Europe, the theory of Greek origin is still persistently held by certain scholars. For that reason it must be considered in greater detail. Gregory’s adoption of Greek novelties forms the starting point of this theory, while Charlemagne’s well-known enthusiasm for Greek innovations carries its proponents still further. The fact that the original Greek melodies which are assumed to have been used in the west, have never been produced in evidence, is not a proof of their non-existence. An extensive study of certain sequence melodies has been made in order to determine whether they are modeled upon Greek originals, since the Greek names for these melodies and features of notation point to such an origin.[12] But such names are secondary, the original and natural name being the first phrase of the Latin words accompanying the melodies and the Greek word a suggested title. A Greek melody, called Organa, for instance, might be assumed to retain its name in Latin. The opposite is the case for the name Filia matris is original and Organa the suggested title.

Regarding the argument from notation it is a matter of common knowledge that the neume is native to Greek-speaking lands and may have existed as early as the sixth century.[13] Neumes took firm root at St. Gall, the great German center for the propagation of the sequence, so much so, that they persisted until the twelfth century even after the invention of the staff and in the interval were spread by teaching. Moreover, neumes were written in the manner of the eastern church, i.e. in a straight line, not at different levels to indicate pitch.[14] It is unfortunate that the dearth of manuscripts showing neumes makes a gap in the evidence just where support is most needed, for the earliest musical manuscripts with this notation date from the ninth century;[15] but the assumption in favor of Greek originals is at least strong enough to forbid its being ignored.