[10] According to the common arrangement of words, it would be alia corporis, alia animi; but Sallust abandons this order just because it is common. For the same reason he prefers alii — pars to alii — alii. Naturam corporis (or animi) sequuntur, ‘they follow the nature (that is, they are of the same kind) of body and mind.’ Regarding the change of anima into animus, it must be observed that anima is ‘the soul,’ the seat and basis of animus (mind), which is the activity of the anima.
[11] ‘But the mind is not subject to corruption’ (that is, to dissolution and annihilation), for a perfect participle with the negative prefix in frequently denotes a passive impossibility, which is usually expressed by adjectives ending in ilis or bilis; as invictus miles, an invincible soldier.
[12] ‘The mind possesses all things, but itself is not possessed;’ that is, it is free. This is an imitation of a well-known Greek phrase, εχω, ουκ εχομαι.
[13] Admirari signifies not only ‘to admire,’ but also ‘to wonder,’ at anything which is surprising or displeasing; and in the latter sense it is the same as mirari.
[14] Respecting ceterum as an adversative conjunction, see Zumpt, § 349.
[3.]
[15] Hac tempestate, the same as hoc tempore. Sallust frequently uses tempestas in this sense, though certainly the time which he paints in such dark colours — namely, the period after the murder of Caesar, in B.C. 44 — was an agitated and stormy one.
[16] ‘Who have obtained by fraud an honour or honourable office,’ quibus honos contigit.
[17] Honestus, ‘honoured,’ or ‘honourable;’ for honestus (from honor) is both the one who is intrusted with an honourable office, and in general he who is worthy of an honour. The persons here spoken of were honesti in the first, but not in the second sense.
[18] It might seem doubtful as to whether parentes here means ‘obeying persons’ — that is, subjects of the Roman state — or ‘kinsmen,’ ‘relatives.’ We believe the latter to be the case, because to control subjects by force was not deemed improper by the ancients. Sallust elsewhere also combines patria et parentes ([Catil. 6], [Jug. 87]), thereby expressing the idea of a free and equal civitas, which is to be convinced, not forced, and to be governed by magistrates chosen by itself, and not by a despotic ruler. The word importunus properly characterises the rudeness and unbearableness of a despot or tyrant.
[19] ‘Even if you have the power, and intend to punish actual crimes in the state’ — whereby Sallust intimates that a tyrannical government may actually introduce improvements, as history proves to have been the case at all times. The subjunctive is used with quamquam, because the author speaks only of a possibility, and also because an indefinite person is addressed by the second person singular. Compare Zumpt, § 831, 3.
[20] Portendere is here the same as ‘to bring with one’s self,’ or ‘to be followed by.’ It is a very sound remark, that by violent changes in a constitution, improvements may indeed be effected, but that at the same time these are accompanied or followed by many acts of injustice and crime.
[21] Frustra niti, ‘to strive in vain (namely, to effect improvements), if, after all, nothing but hatred is incurred by it, is extreme folly.’
[22] Nisi forte, ‘unless perhaps’ — which surely cannot be the case with any sensible man. Respecting this use of nisi forte, expressing an improbable supposition, see Zumpt, § 526.
[23] Libido — gratificari, ‘the inclination to gratify;’ for libido tenet is only a paraphrase for libet. This statement is striking, and but too true, for there are men who think it an honour to sacrifice their own conviction and independence for the purpose of pleasing persons in power.
[4.]
[24] Memoria rerum gestarum, ‘the recording of events ;’ that is, the writing of history, the usefulness (virtus) of which is acknowledged.
[25] The words per insolentiam belong to laudando extollere, and the meaning is, ‘that no one may believe me to extol my own occupation with excessive praise.’ Per insolentiam is the same as insolenter, per expressing manner.
[26] ‘At least those to whom it appears to be a lofty occupation,’ &c. Respecting the omission of the demonstrative pronoun before the relative, even when they are in different cases, see Zumpt, § 765.
[27] ‘And what distinguished men were unable to attain such a distinction.’ Sallust here boasts of having obtained a seat in the senate, and a high magistracy, at a time when it was a matter of difficulty, and when even men of great merit were unable to gain either. But at the same time he adds the remark, that afterwards many undeserving persons were introduced into the senate, to co-operate with whom was no honour. Quae genera hominum refers to the filling up of the senate with persons from the lower classes, and even with such as were not free-born. This connivance at ambitious upstarts, or rather this recklessness in filling up the vacancies in the supreme council of Rome, was shown not only by the dictator J. Caesar, but by his successors in power, M. Antony and Octavianus. In consequence of such things, Sallust adds, it will be evident that he was justified in withdrawing from public life.
[28] That is, the celebrated Fabius Maximus, surnamed Cunctator, who distinguished himself by his prudence in the second Punic War. P. Scipio is the elder Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal. We might indeed imagine that Sallust is speaking of Scipio Africanus the younger, but his being mentioned along with Fabius Maximus must lead every reader to think of the elder Scipio.
[29] The images (imagines) of ancestors might indeed be statues, but from the mention of wax in the next sentence, it is evident that we have to understand the wax masks which constituted the greatest ornament in the vestibule of the house of a noble family. The busts (portraits) of those ancestors who had been invested with a curule office were made of wax, and their descendants used these wax portraits to dress up persons representing in public processions the illustrious deceased, adorned with all the insignia of the offices with which they had been invested. Such processions, especially at public funerals (a real kind of masquerade), were intended to keep alive in the memory of the Romans not only the names and exploits of their illustrious statesmen and warriors, but even their bodily appearance.
[30] Scilicet, in this passage, is not a conjunction as usual, but, as in the earlier Latinity of Plautus and Terence, it is used for scire licet, ‘one may perceive,’ or ‘it is self-evident,’ and is accordingly followed by the accusative with the infinitive.
[31] ‘The flame of their noble ambition did not become extinguished until their merit had obtained the fame and glory’ (namely, of those ancestors).
[32] His moribus, ‘in the present state of morality;’ an ablative absolute.
[33] Instead of neque, the author might have used aut, for both particles are used to continue a negative statement. See Zumpt, § 337.
[34] Homines novi, ‘new men,’ so called by the Romans, were those persons who were the first of their family to rise to curule offices, as Cato Censorius, and at a later time Cicero. In former times, Sallust says, such homines novi distinguished themselves by their ability, while now they rise by base means, especially by party strife and party interest, which he contemptuously calls latrocinium.
[35] Proinde quasi, ‘just as if,’ and afterwards perinde habentur ut, ‘they are considered as of equal value.’ Compare Zumpt, §§ 282 and 340.
[5.]
[36] Respecting the special meaning of this periphrastic conjugation, see Zumpt, § 498. Sallust states that he wishes to describe this war separately, because during its progress there was kindled at Rome that struggle between the populares and the optimates, which was in the end carried on with such senseless vehemence, that only the devastation of Italy put a stop to the civil discord (studiis civilibus), and that only a military despotism (first of Caesar, and afterwards of the triumvirs) was able to restore peace. This part of the description of the Jugurthine war, accordingly, is of the greatest importance, in forming a correct idea of the history of Rome at that time.
[37] The same meaning might have been expressed by ut omnia ad cognoscendum illustriora et apertiora sint. See Zumpt, § 106.
[38] That is, ‘after the Roman name had become great;’ for in earlier times the Roman people had suffered still greater reverses, especially when the Gauls took and burned the city of Rome itself. But the author purposely avoids speaking of those early periods.
[39] Africano. See Zumpt, § 421.
[40] About et after multa, see Zumpt, § 756.
[41] Magnum atque late, the connection of an adjective and adverb is somewhat singular — ‘the dominion of Syphax existed as a large one, and had a wide extent;’ for he possessed the whole of western Numidia, being the hereditary king of the people of the Massaesyli, while Masinissa had only the smaller, eastern, part, and the tribe of the Massyli.
[42] ‘He had left him behind in a private station;’ that is, he had not appointed him in his will ruler of any portion of his dominions. But his uncle Micipsa gave him that which his grandfather Masinissa had refused to him; namely, he recognised him as a prince of the royal family.
[6.]
[43] Luxu for luxui. See Zumpt, § 81.
[44] ‘The favourable opportunity of his advanced age, and of the tender age of his children.’
[45] Opportunities are apt to lead ordinary persons (not endowed with great mental powers) away from the right path. Transversus, ‘that which turns away to one side.’