That the present emperour has already received this acknowledgment, and been confessed by his majesty, as elector of Hanover, to be legally invested with the imperial dignity, is well known; and, therefore, I cannot by any method of reasoning discover, nor have yet found any man able to inform me, why the troops of Hanover are chosen before those of any other nation, for a design which they cannot execute, without ruining their sovereign if they fail; and infringing the constitution of the empire, if they should happen to succeed?
I should, therefore, have imagined, that the assistance of the queen of Hungary was only pretended, and that the forces were only designed to breathe the air of the continent, and to display their scarlet at the expense of Britain, had not the noble lord who spoke third in this debate informed us, that they will in reality march into Germany; a design, my lords, so romantick, unseasonable, and dangerous, that though I cannot doubt it after such assurances, I should not have believed it on any other; a design which I hope every man, who regards the welfare of this kingdom, will indefatigably oppose, and which every Briton must wish that some lucky accident may frustrate.
To send an army into Germany, my lords, is to hazard our native country without necessity, without temptation, without prospect or possibility of advantage; it is to engage in a quarrel which has no relation to our dominions, or rights, or commerce; a quarrel from which, however it be decided, we can neither hope for any increase of our wealth, our force, or our influence; but which may involve us in a war without end, in which it will be difficult to obtain the victory, and in which we must yet either conquer or be undone.
Surely, my lords, an expedition like this was never undertaken before, without consulting the senate, and declaring the motives on which it was designed; surely never was any supply of this nature demanded, without some previous discoveries to this house of the importance of the service for which they were required to provide. On this occasion, my lords, all the councils of the government are covered by a cloud of affected secrecy, nor is any knowledge of our affairs to be gained, but from papers which are not to be regarded here, the printed votes of the other house.
I am always, my lords, inclined to suspect unusual secrecy, and to imagine, that men either conceal their measures, because they cannot defend them, or affect an appearance of concealing them, when in reality they have yet projected nothing, and draw the veil with uncommon care, only lest it should be discovered that there is nothing behind it; as when palaces are shown, those apartments which are empty, are carefully locked up.
To confess my opinion without reserve, I am not so much inclined to believe, that our ministers' designs are bad, as that they design nothing; and suspect that this mighty army, so lavishly paid, and collected from such distant parts, is to regulate its motions by accident, and to wait without action, till some change in the state of Europe shall make it more easy for our ministers to form their scheme.
I hope, my lords, that by some accident more favourable than we have at present reason to expect, our German expedition will be retarded, till our ministers shall awaken from their present dream of delivering Europe from the French ambition, and of restoring the ancient greatness of the house of Austria. I hope every day, as it adds to their experience, will diminish that ardour which is generally the effect of imperfect views, which is commonly raised by partial considerations, and ends in inconsiderate undertakings. I hope they will in time think it no advantage to their fellow-subjects to be doomed to fight the battles of other nations, and to be called out into every field, where they shall happen to hear that blood is to be shed. I hope they will be taught, that the only business of Britain is commerce; and that while our ships pass unmolested, we may sit at ease, whatever be the designs or actions of the potentates on the continent; that none but naval power can endanger our safety, and that it is not necessary for us to inquire, how foreign territories are distributed, what family approaches to its extinction, or where a successour will be found to any other crown than that of Britain.
If these maxims were once generally understood, from how much perplexity would our councils be set free? how many thousands of our fellow-subjects would be preserved from slaughter? and how much would our wealth be increased, by saving those sums which are yearly squandered in idle expeditions, or in negotiations equally useless, and, perhaps, equally expensive? Had these principles been received by our forefathers, we might now have given laws to the world, and, perhaps, our posterity will, with equal reason, say, How happy, how great and formidable they should have been, had not we attempted to fix and to hold the balance of power, and neglected the interest of our country for the preservation of the house of Austria!
Thus, my lords, I have endeavoured to explain and enforce my opinion of the measures in which our ministers have engaged the nation; and hope that I shall not be accused of being influenced in my determinations by personal prejudices, nor of having changed my opinions with regard to publick affairs, in consequence of any change of the persons by whom they are conducted. For if my sentiments have ever been thought important enough to be retained in memory, I can, with the utmost confidence, appeal to all those who can recollect what I have formerly said, when the reestablishment of the house of Austria was the subject of our consultations; and defy the most rigorous and attentive examiner of my conduct, to prove, that there ever was a time in which I thought it necessary or expedient for the British nation to be entangled in disputes on the continent, or to employ her arms in regulating the pretensions of contending powers.
I was always of opinion, my lords, that peace is the most eligible state, and that the ease of security is to be preferred to the honour of victory. I always thought peace particularly necessary to a trading people; and as I have yet found no reason to alter my sentiments, and as auxiliaries cannot be of any use but in time of war, I shall endeavour to promote peace by joining in the motion.